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Domači sistem (razredna dejavnost)

Domači sistem (razredna dejavnost)


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V 18. stoletju je bila proizvodnja tekstila najpomembnejša industrija v Veliki Britaniji. Kot pravi A. L. Morton, avtor knjige Ljudska zgodovina Anglije (1938) je poudaril: "Čeprav je oblačilna industrija zaposlovala veliko manj ljudi kot kmetijstvo, je postala odločilna značilnost angleškega gospodarskega življenja, kar jo je močno ločilo od tistega v večini drugih evropskih držav in določilo smer in hitrost njenega razvoja. . "

V tem obdobju je bila večina tkanine proizvedena v družinski hiši in je zato postala znana kot domači sistem. Izdelava tkanin je potekala v treh glavnih fazah. Mikanje so običajno izvajali otroci. To je vključevalo uporabo ročne kartice, ki je odstranila in razpletla kratka vlakna iz mase. Ročne karte so bile v bistvu leseni bloki z ročaji in pokriti s kratkimi kovinskimi konicami. Konice so bile pod kotom in nastavljene v usnje. Vlakna so bila obdelana med konicami in so bile, obračanjem kart, razrezane v zvitkih (mizi) dolgih približno 12 centimetrov in debele nekaj manj kot palca.

Mati je te mige spremenila v neprekinjeno nit (prejo). Distaff, palica dolga približno 3 čevlje, je držala pod levo roko, vlakna volne, izvlečena iz nje, pa so kazalec in palec desne roke spiralno zvijela. Ko se je nit vrtela, je bila navita na vreteno. Kolovrat je bil izumljen v Nürnbergu v 1530 -ih letih. Sestavljen je iz vrtljivega kolesa, ki ga poganja tekalnik, in pogonskega vretena.

Nazadnje je oče ročno tkanino vpletel v tkanino. Ročno opremo so v Anglijo prinesli Rimljani. Postopek je obsegal prepletanje enega niza niti (osnove) z drugim (votek). Niti osnove so v tkalskem statvu vzdolžno raztegnjene. Votek, prečne niti, so v tkanino vpletene v tkanino.

Leta 1733 je John Kay razvil Leteči šatl. Z vlečenjem vrvice je bil shuttle hitro poslan z ene strani statve na drugo. Ta izum ni samo podvojil hitrosti proizvodnje tkanin, ampak je tudi omogočil, da velike statve upravlja ena oseba. Ko je Kay svoj izum pokazal lokalnim tkalcem, so ga sprejeli mešano. Nekateri so to videli kot način za povečanje proizvodnje. Drugi tkalci so bili zelo jezni, saj so se bali, da bi zaradi tega ostali brez dela.

Do leta 1760 so tkalci po vsej Britaniji uporabljali leteči šatl. Zaradi povečane hitrosti tkanja je zdaj primanjkovalo preje. Kay si je zato zadal nalogo, da izboljša tradicionalno kolovrat. Ko so lokalni spinnerji slišali za Kayove načrte, so mu vlomili v hišo in stroj, na katerem je delal, so uničili.

Kay je bil tako razburjen zaradi tega, kar se je zgodilo, da je zapustil Veliko Britanijo in odšel živeti v Francijo. Drugi so nadaljevali z njegovim delom in na koncu je James Hargreaves, tkalec iz Blackburna, izumil Spinning-jenny. Z obračanjem enega kolesa bi lahko upravljavec zdaj zavrtel osem niti hkrati. Kasneje so bile izvedene izboljšave, ki so omogočile povečanje te številke na osemdeset. Konec leta 1780 je bilo v Veliki Britaniji približno 20.000 teh strojev.

Tkanino so prodali trgovcem, imenovanim krtarji, ki so vas obiskali s svojimi vlaki tovornih konj. Ti možje so postali prvi kapitalisti. Za povečanje proizvodnje so včasih predilnicam prodajali surovo volno. Prejo so prodajali tudi tkalcem, ki niso mogli dobiti dovolj od družinskih članov. Nekatere tkanine so bile narejene kot oblačila za ljudi, ki živijo v tej državi. Vendar je bila velika količina tkanin izvožena v Evropo.

Bližje ko smo prišli v Halifax, smo našli hiše debelejše, vasi pa večje. Strani hribov, ki so bile zelo strme, so bile razprostrene s hišami; ker je zemljišče razdeljeno na majhne ograjene prostore, se pravi, od dveh hektarjev do šest ali sedem hektarjev, redko več; na vsake tri ali štiri kose zemlje je pripadala hiša.

Njihova dejavnost je trgovina z oblačili. Vsak suknar mora obdržati konja, morda dva, ki ga bo prinesel in nosil za uporabo pri svoji izdelavi, da bo svojo volno in svoje jedi prinesel s trga, da bo prejo nosil do predil, svojo proizvodnjo do polnilnice in, ko je končan, na trg za prodajo.

Med hišami proizvajalcev je prav tako raztreseno neskončno število hišic ali manjših stanovanj, v katerih prebivajo delavci, ki so zaposleni, od katerih so ženske in otroci vedno zaposleni z mikanjem, predenjem itd. pridobivajo svoj kruh, tudi od najmlajših do starodavnih; dela kdo nad 4 leta.

Leto

lbs.

1741

1,645,031

1751

2,976,610

1764

3,870,392

1771

4,764,589

1785

18,400,384

1790

431,447,605

1800

56,010,732

Leta 1770 je oče družine na svojem statve zaslužil od osem do deset šilingov, sinovi pa ob njem šest do osem šilingov na teden ... to je zahtevalo šest do osem rok pripravi in ​​predi prejo za vsakega tkalca ... vsaka oseba, stara od sedem do osemdeset let (ki je ohranila vid in je lahko premikala roke) lahko zaslužila ... enega do tri šilinge na teden.

Bombaž, potem ko so ga pobrali in očistili, so razporedili po ročni kartici in ga z drugo krtačili, strgali ali česali, dokler niso vlakna bombaža šla v eno smer; nato so ga sneli v mehkih zrnatih zvitkih, dolgih približno dvanajst centimetrov in s premerom treh četrt centimetrov. Te zvitke, imenovane mikanja, so spremenili v grobo nit, tako da so en konec privili do vretena ročnega kolesa, z obračanjem kolesa, ki je premaknilo vreteno z desno roko, in hkrati izvlečenjem mikanja z levo .

Leta 1738 je John Kay ... predlagal način metanja šatla, ki je tkalcu omogočil izdelavo skoraj dvakrat toliko tkanine, kot je lahko naredil prej ... Približno leta 1764 je James Hargreaves izdelal stroj, imenovan Spinning Jenny. .. namesto, da bi pridobili občudovanje in hvaležnost svojega izumitelja, so se predilniki zgražali ... in množica je vdrla v hišo Hargreavesa in uničila njegovo jenny.

Kmetovanje so običajno opravljali mož in drugi moški v družini, medtem ko sta se žena in hčere udeleževali prebijanja, sirarstva in gospodinjstva; in ko je bilo to končano, so se ukvarjali z mikanjem in predenjem volne ali bombaža ter ga oblikovali v osnove za statve. Moži in sinovi so naslednjič, ko jih kmečko delo ni poklicalo, oblikovali osnovo, jo posušili in raznesli v statve. Kmet bi imel običajno tri ali štiri statve v hiši, potem pa - kaj s kmetovanjem, gospodinjskimi opravili, mikanjem, predenjem in tkanjem - je bilo družini dovolj zaposlitve.

Proizvodnja tkanin zaposluje večji del nižjega razreda ljudi v severozahodnih okrožjih zahodnega jahanja Yorkshire. Ti izdelovalci tkanin skoraj v celoti prebivajo v vaseh in prinašajo svoje tkanine ob tržnicah za prodajo v velikih dvoranah, postavljenih za ta namen v Leedsu in Huddersfieldu.

Vprašanja za študente

Vprašanje 1: Opišite, kako je deloval domači sistem. Zakaj je bil domači sistem priljubljen pri Britancih?

Vprašanje 2: Za kaj je bil uporabljen predmet v spodnjem desnem kotu vira 5?

Vprašanje 3: Zakaj je leta 1760 v Britaniji primanjkovalo preje?

Vprašanje 4: Študijski viri 1, 4, 5 in 7. Razložite prednosti in slabosti Hargreavesovega izuma.

Vprašanje 5: Ali viri v tej enoti kažejo, da so ljudje prenehali uporabljati kolovrat, potem ko je Hargreaves izumil Spinning Jenny?

Vprašanje 5: Navedite čim več razlogov, zakaj se je uvoz bombaža v 18. stoletju povečal.

Odgovor Komentar

Komentar na ta vprašanja najdete tukaj.


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Poučevanje zapuščine šestdesetih let in obravnavanje nenehne neenakosti glede varstva otrok v razredu

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Stran 23 poročila Johnston ’s iz leta 1983 in prva objavljena uporaba izraza “Sixties Scoop ”

Dediščina stanovanjskih šol je neposredno povezana s šestdesetim letom. Leta 1960 je kanadska vlada ocenila, da je bilo 50% učencev v sistemu stanovanjskih šol tam zaradi "varstva otrok". Ko je vlada začela postopno odpravljati sistem bivalnih šol, se je praksa odstranjevanja avtohtonih otrok iz njihovih domov in dajanja v vladno varstvo drastično pospešila. Deželne in teritorialne vlade, ki pogosto niso razumele domorodnih sistemov oskrbe ali načina življenja, so skupnosti naložile evro-kanadske standarde oskrbe, kar je pogosto povzročilo, da so domorodni domovi „neprimerni“ za otroke. Kraljevska komisija za aboridžinske narode je leta 1996 poročala, da je bilo med letoma 1960 in 1990 11.132 statusnih otrok prvega naroda nameščenih v belih družinskih domovih srednjega razreda.

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Leta 2015 Spoštovanje resnice, sprava za prihodnost, povzetek končnega poročila kanadske komisije za resnico in spravo je opozoril, da "[veliko] Kanadčanov vedo malo ali nič o globokih zgodovinskih koreninah teh konfliktov" (str. 8). Povzetek je poudaril tudi, da se prevelika zastopanost avtohtonih otrok v sistemu varstva otrok nadaljuje še danes.

Znanstveniki so ugotovili, da se je zaloga iz šestdesetih let preprosto razvila v tisočletje. Otroci domorodci so še vedno preveč zastopani v sistemu varstva otrok, otroci prvega naroda, ki živijo v rezervah, pa prejemajo bistveno manj sredstev za storitve varstva otrok. Trenutno je v varstvu več avtohtonih otrok, kot jih je bilo v času vrhunca stanovanjske šole.

Leta 2007 so Kanadska komisija za človekove pravice zadevo Kanadskega ravnanja z domorodnimi otroki, ki so v oskrbi, obravnavali Skupščina prvih narodov in Društvo za nego otrok in družine Prvih narodov Kanade. Leta 2013 je bilo ustanovljeno uradno sodišče za preučitev tega primera, ki je 26. januarja 2016 razsodišče odločilo, da kanadska vlada rasno diskriminira 163.000 otrok prvih narodov. Kljub tej vladavini so se vladni modeli financiranja in zakonodaja počasi spreminjali.

Kako torej kot zgodovinarji in pedagogi lahko ozavestimo to poglavje kanadske zgodovine?

  1. Poučite o šestdesetih letih ob stanovanjskih šolah. Razumeti, da so stanovanjske šole le del večjega kolonialnega sistema, ki je bil zasnovan za asimilacijo staroselcev.
  2. V razrede otroške in mladinske zgodovine vključite razprave o zavihku šestdesetih let.
  3. Negujte odnose s šestdesetimi in preživite tiste, ki ste jih preživeli, in jih povabite v učilnico, da se pogovorijo o svojih doživetjih. Lahko pa uporabite video, zvočno ali pisno pričevanje, da osredotočite avtohtone glasove v razpravi v razredu.
  4. Priznajte, da se zapuščina šestdesetih let in kolonializem še vedno čuti v domorodnih skupnostih.
  5. Odpravite tisočletje in nenehno neenakost v blaginji in izobraževanju otrok v razredu.

Zgodovinarji in vzgojitelji začenjajo veliko bolje razpravljati in nagovarjati stanovanjske šole v razredu. Vendar je treba priznati, da so stanovanjske šole le en del v veliko širši zgodovini kolonializma v Kanadi.

Krista McCracken je arhivska nadzornica v knjižnici Arthur A. Wishart na Univerzi Algoma in v centru za rezidenčne šole Shingwauk. Je urednica pri Active History. Krista živi in ​​dela na ozemlju pogodbe Robinson-Huron na tradicionalnih deželah prebivalcev Anishinaabe in Métis.


Projekt MSFTNEXT je majhna skupina avtorjev, ki radi sodelujejo z najnovejšo tehnologijo in pripomočki. Ker smo strastni blogerji v sistemu Windows, z veseljem pomagamo drugim odpraviti sistemske težave. Ogled vseh objav skupine MFTNEXT

Hvala vam! Aplikacija Zgodovina dejavnosti ni samo spremljala moje dejavnosti, ampak je povzročila tudi zamrznitev računalnika. Dobro odrešenje!

V moji različici sistema Windows 10 (1803) vas aplikacija Nastavitve pripelje do vašega Microsoftovega računa v brskalniku, da počistite zgodovino dejavnosti.

ne odstrani vseh, pusti zamegljen vid in ga ni mogoče odstraniti


Znotraj anglosaksonske učilnice

Šolarji pozabijo na knjige, izgubijo pisala in se smejijo umazanim šalam. To je veljalo tudi v strogem vzdušju anglosaksonske učilnice.

Tako kot pri vseh stvareh, povezanih z anglosaksonsko Anglijo, so dokazi o tem, kaj se je zgodilo v razredu, majhni, toda tisto, kar preživi, ​​slika znano sliko. Izobraževanje je v tem obdobju potekalo v različnih oblikah in oblikah: nekateri učenci so se učili in se učili praktičnih veščin, drugi pa so hodili v samostane in se učili brati in pisati. Kralj Alfred je menil, da je treba vso mladino v Angliji naučiti brati in pisati v angleščini, tisti, ki nadaljujejo v samostane, pa latinščino. Pouk latinščine se je v 10. stoletju oživil zaradi skrbi, da se je stanje učenja v Angliji poslabšalo, dokler se ni zdelo, kot da noben duhovnik v Angliji ne bi mogel komponirati v latinščini ali jo brati.

Ne preživijo nobene knjige, za katere je dokončno znano, da so bile uporabljene v razredu, vendar imamo nekaj pojma o vrstah uporabljenih besedil. Učni načrt, ki se uporablja za poučevanje latinščine, ima svoje korenine v klasičnih učnih modelih. Uporabljal je tri glavne metode: slovarji so poučevali besednjak, slovnice so poučevali skladnjo in morfologijo (zgradbo jezika), kolokviji - pisani pogovori - pa so dajali pogovorno prakso, v kateri so učenci lahko uporabili svoj besednjak in strukturno učenje. Ta kombinacija je še vedno prepoznavna za vsakogar, ki je opravil tečaj sodobnega jezika.

Dela dveh največjih učiteljev iz poznega 10. stoletja nam dajejo najboljši vpogled v anglosaksonsko učilnico in učni načrt. Riclfric iz Eynshama (znan tudi kot Grammaticus ali Homilist) je napisal slovarček, slovnico in kolokvij za poučevanje latinščine z vzporednim besedilom v stari angleščini, novostjo, ki je študentom, ki se še morajo učiti latinščine, postala dostopnejša. Edini učenec, za katerega lahko z gotovostjo trdimo, da je prišel iz Ælfricove šole, je Ælfric Bata (Bata je bil navidezno vzdevek iz hebrejščine za „sod“, bodisi glede na njegovo velikost bodisi na ljubezen do pijače). Bata je napisal pogovor, ki je sledil vzorcu njegovega učitelja, vendar v drugačnem slogu. Tam, kjer je Ælfricovo delo podpiralo meniški način življenja in ideale, je bilo Batino grozljivo in dramatično.

Batini pogovori so namenjeni učencem, da se naučijo latinščine z uporabo dramskih prizorov, v katerih se odigrajo vidiki vsakdanjega življenja v razredu: v običajnem dnevu bi mojster ali njegov pomočnik vsakemu učencu dal približno 40 vrstic za zapomnitev in recitirati naslednji dan z grožnjo pretepanja, če to ne bi bilo izvedeno zadovoljivo.

Poleg tega, da študentom omogoča, da igrajo vloge učitelja in študenta, ali kmeta ali trgovca, Bata piše tudi o menihih, ki prirejajo zabave na alkoholni poti, se pogajajo o poljubih žensk, se vozijo v mesto po pivo in se z mlajšimi učenci odpravijo v tajnost. , brez spremstva. Njegovi prizori pogosto neposredno kršijo benediktinska pravila, ki so se jih morali držati Bata in njegovi učenci. V enem pogovoru je postavil dialog med mojstrom in učencem, v katerem si izmenjata ogromno skatoloških žalitev, vključno s nepozabnim »Naj vas nesramno spremlja kdaj«. Zagotovo njegovi učenci ne bodo pozabili na ustrezen besednjak.

Poleg tega, da so se učenci brali in govorili latinščino, naj bi se naučili pisati in oblikovati svoja pisma po visokem kaligrafskem standardu za izdelavo rokopisov. V najzgodnejših fazah so se naučili oblikovati črke tako, da so kopirali primere svojega gospodarja, pisali na voščene tablice s pisalom in nožem, da so ga očistili, ali na ostanke pergamenta ali veluma, ki so ostali pri izdelavi celovitih rokopisov . Ker so bile te zgodnje stopnje neformalne in so ostanki verjetno bili zavrženi, se ni ohranila nobena, čeprav so bile na Irskem najdene tablice in pisala v Whitbyju. Primeri dela naprednejših študentov so vidni v rokopisih, ki so nastali v skriptoriju svete Marije Magdalene v Frankenthalu. Tukaj mojster začne na vrhu strani, da prikaže slog, postavitev in skript strani, učenec pa ga najprej prevzame. Dve roki se nato menjata v odsekih navzdol, ko se učenec izboljša. Ko bi se štelo, da so študentje dovolj dobri, bi jih prosili, naj izdelajo rokopise za svoj samostan ali pa bi delali v lastno korist. V enem prizoru iz Batinih pogovorov starejši študent zamenja in pridobi provizijo za kopiranje rokopisa za plačilo 12 srebrnikov.

Izobraževanje je bilo med Anglosaksonci zelo cenjeno. Kljub hudemu namenu je šolski humor vseskozi očiten. Vsaj v tem smislu se je učilnica v zadnjih tisoč letih zelo malo spremenila.

Kate Wiles je sodelujoči urednik na Zgodovina danes.


Domači sistem (razredna dejavnost) - zgodovina

Futuristični operacijski center za nacionalno varnost zaseda nadstropje sedeža Agencije za nacionalno varnost v Fort Meadeju v Marylandu. Agencija že zadnjih 50 let prestreza in dešifrira komunikacije iz tujine s sedeža na vzhodni obali.

Opomba urednika:

Zaupni dokumenti, ki jih je izdal zasebni izvajalec Edward Snowden, so vzbudili resno zaskrbljenost glede pravic zasebnosti v ZDA in na mednarodni ravni. Poleg vprašanja osebne zasebnosti v digitalni dobi pa obstaja tudi sklop strukturnih vprašanj: Kako je lahko sodni postopek pregleden in hkrati ohranja državno skrivnost? Kako lahko potegnemo črto za razlikovanje med domačim nadzorom in tujim vohunjenjem? Kako vohunjenje zaostri odnos med predsednikom in kongresom? Kot opisuje zgodovinar David Hadley, so to vprašanja, ki že več kot stoletje razburjajo ameriške oblikovalce politik, politike in državljane.

Ne pozabite ujeti tudi našega podcasta Pogovor o zgodovini z gosti David Hadley, Nicholas Breyfogle in Steven Conn, ko razpravljajo o NSA v sedanjem nacionalnem in svetovnem okolju.

Potencial Agencije za nacionalno varnost (NSA), da "krši zasebnost ameriških državljanov, nima nobene druge obveščevalne agencije", zlasti z napredkom telekomunikacijske tehnologije.

Morda je presenetljivo, da to opozorilo ni bilo izdano zaradi zaklada dokumentov, ki jih je nekdanji civilni varnostni izvajalec Edward Snowden ušel v Washington Post in Varuh minulo poletje. Namesto tega ga je v sedemdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja izdelal cerkveni odbor senata, ko je imel zaslišanja o dejavnostih Cie, FBI in NSA.

Domači nadzor, namenjen zaščiti ameriških državljanov, je del tkiva ameriškega življenja že več kot sto let. Kljub temu so ogromni programi zbiranja obveščevalnih podatkov NSA, ki jih je razkril Snowden, brez primere po svojem obsegu, naprednih tehnologijah in pravni podlagi, ki jim jo je ponudilo Sodišče za nadzor tuje obveščevalne službe.

En program NSA, neuradno imenovan 215, je zbral metapodatke ameriških telekomunikacijskih podjetij in razkril datum, čas, lokacijo in prejemnike telefonskih klicev po Združenih državah. Agencija je spremljala tudi tuja e -poštna sporočila prek programa, imenovanega Prism, ki je del večjih prizadevanj za zbiranje interneta, imenovanega Upstream, medtem ko so ciljno usmerjeni v tujino, NSA je priznala, da so ameriška e -poštna sporočila zbrana kot del programa. Eden od dokumentov je pricurljal v Varuh trdil, da jim je orodje NSA omogočilo, da vidijo "skoraj vse, kar tipičen uporabnik počne na internetu".

Predsednik Barack Obama je obsodil Snowdena zaradi uhajanja in trdil, da obstajajo drugi, uradni kanali, po katerih bi lahko Snowden izrazil svojo zaskrbljenost glede programa. Obama je te dejavnosti predstavil kot del nujne dejavnosti za zaščito Združenih držav pred terorizmom, hkrati pa trdil, da zakoni preprečujejo "hotenje in nehote" pridobivanje zasebnih podatkov. Obljubil je, da bodo izvedene reforme za spodbujanje večjega zaupanja v sistem.

Medtem ko je razkritje Snowdena povzročilo ogromno polemik v ZDA in po svetu (kar bo potrdila nemška Angela Merkel), so nekatera vprašanja, ki jih postavljajo dokumenti, z nami že vsaj stoletje.

Ali lahko obveščevalna agencija uspešno deluje v mejah zakona in pod nadzorom demokratične vlade? Ali lahko ZDA vohunijo za tujimi tarčami, ne da bi ustvarile organizacijo, ki bi lahko vohunila po domače? Ali je mogoče uspešno potegniti mejo med domačimi in tujimi obveščevalnimi službami? Ali lahko zagotovimo, da nedolžni državljani ne bodo ujeti v lov na notranje sovražnike? Koga je treba šteti za notranjega sovražnika?

Ne glede na to, kaj se bo zgodilo po Snowdenovi polemiki, te napetosti verjetno ne bodo izginile, dokler se ZDA še naprej ukvarjajo s kakršno koli vohunjenjem in na domačem področju iščejo sovražnike, tako resnične kot zaznane.

Spremljajte anarhiste in boljševike

Preden so ZDA skrbele zaradi grožnje džihadskih teroristov, je državo zajel strah pred anarhisti.

Politični teroristi so v zadnjih desetletjih devetnajstega stoletja pobili številne evropske uradnike. Tudi ruski car Aleksander II, osvoboditelj kmetov, je bil razstreljen na ulicah Sankt Peterburga.

In ZDA niso bile imune na to nasilje. Septembra 1901 je anarhist Leon Czolgosz v Buffalu v New Yorku ubil ameriškega predsednika Williama McKinleyja.

Robert Pinkerton, iz znane zasebne detektivske agencije Pinkerton, ki je Uniji med državljansko vojno dobavljala obveščevalne podatke in je naslednja desetletja pomagala prekiniti delavsko gibanje, je svetoval, da je treba radikale "označiti in imeti pod stalnim nadzorom".

Theodore Roosevelt, ki je nasledil McKinleyja, ni takoj sledil Pinkertonovemu nasvetu. Leta 1908 pa je generalnemu državnemu tožilcu Charlesu Bonapartu (Napoleonovemu nečaku) naročil, naj ustanovi preiskovalno službo na ministrstvu za pravosodje. Kongres pa ga je zavrnil.

Kongresniki niso želeli ustvariti tajne, notranje policije, podobne tistim v evropskih vladah, kot je ruska Okhrana. Bonaparte ni obupal in počakal, da se je kongres prekinil in z odobritvijo Roosevelta decembra 1908 ustanovil preiskovalni urad.

Kmalu zatem, ko so bile ZDA vpete v prvo svetovno vojno, se je skromen urad razširil, da bi se spopadel z izzivom zagotavljanja notranje varnosti, zlasti zaznane grožnje Nemcev, ki živijo v ZDA. Ko je predsednik Woodrow Wilson začel zatirati domače nestrinjanje z zakonom o vohunjenju, je urad začel svojo dolgoletno kariero pri iskanju vohunov in radikalov.

Uradu se je v teh prizadevanjih pridružil Urad za pomorsko obveščevalno dejavnost. ONI je imel lastne programe za boj proti potencialnim domačim grožnjam, ki so se kmalu razširile poleg iskanja potencialnih tujih vohunov do preiskovanja "subverzivnih elementov".

Po vojni so boljševiki zamenjali Nemce kot glavno središče nastajajoče obveščevalne skupnosti. A hunt for communists ensued, driven on by fear of the new Soviet regime, which emerged in November 1917.

In 1919, a series of bomb attacks on government targets convinced many Americans that threats from anarchists and Bolsheviks were clear and present. In the wake of the bombings, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer launched a series of raids on radicals in cities around the country, though many had no connection to any violent organization.

The First Red Scare, as it came to be known, resulted in deportations including well-known figures like Emma Goldman, and it broke the back of the Industrial Workers of the World, a prominent union.

To lead the charge against subversives, Palmer created the Radical Division of the Bureau of Investigation, and selected 24-year-old J. Edgar Hoover to lead it. Hoover assumed his new position August 1, 1919, and would spend the rest of his life, more than 50 years, directing law enforcement against communists.

When the FBI was organized from the Bureau of Investigation in 1935, Hoover became its first director. He remained a committed anticommunist. To Hoover, however, “communist” became synonymous with almost anyone on the political left. Under Hoover, various leftist organizations would be infiltrated by federal informants.

In addition to the use of informants to gather human intelligence, early electronic surveillance was used in the tapping of phones. Such tapping was deemed legal by the Supreme Court in the 1927 case Olmstead v. United States, which found that the wiretapping of phones did not violate the Fourth or Fifth Amendments. That decision would not be reversed until 1967.

Domestic surveillance continued in the 1930s, much of it legal although sometimes exceeding legal limits. At the request of Franklin Roosevelt, Hoover begrudgingly began investigations of the American fascist movement. He also monitored civil rights groups, suspecting them of communist influence.

Captain Hayne Ellis, the director of the ONI in 1931, expanded beyond communist groups to investigate pacifist organizations like the National Council for the Prevention of War and the Women’s League for Peace.

As war loomed in Europe, FDR in 1939 directed the FBI, ONI, and the Military Intelligence Division to take charge of tracking subversives in the United States.

The Cold War: The Modern Architecture of Surveillance Takes Shape

World War II witnessed, amongst other things, the birth of the first centralized U.S. intelligence organization, the Office of Strategic Services. Included in its mandate was counter-intelligence, a duty it shared with the FBI. Like the FBI, the OSS would occasionally ignore legal requirements in its pursuit of subjects, most notably when pursuing State Department leaks to the magazine Amerasia.

By the end of World War II, domestic intelligence responsibilities in the United States had grown—in fits and starts—and were now included in the purview of several government agencies under the big umbrella of “national security.” How that term was defined, and who, therefore, constituted a threat to it, was left to particular organizations and their leaders. Thus groups such as the Women’s League for Peace and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People found themselves at various times considered national security threats and placed under surveillance.

As the nation moved from World War II to Cold War, domestic security became even more a priority. The tension between the United States and Soviet Union led to a variety of activities against communist organizations in America, and organizations perceived to be affiliated with communism. This environment produced many of the secretive and shrouded security organizations we know today in the United States.

In 1947, the National Security Act established the Central Intelligence Agency. Similar to concerns over the original Bureau of Investigation, opponents warned the CIA could become a secret police force, an American Gestapo. To forestall any abuse of the intelligence system, Congress forbade the CIA from operating domestically, leaving domestic security the responsibility of the FBI.

Five years later and with considerably less publicity, the National Security Agency was founded to take responsibility for U.S. signals intelligence, guarding U.S. electronic communications and breaking the encryptions of the enemy.

Like the CIA, the NSA was directed not to spy domestically. Unlike the CIA, the NSA remained under the radar, to such an extent that its staff jokingly claimed its initials stood for “No Such Agency.”

By 1963, the NSA operated from a massive facility at Fort Meade, Maryland, and was busily at work intercepting and decrypting communications. By 1980, the NSA was classifying fifty to one hundred million reports each year, which, in an era of paper and magnetic tape records, led to a serious problem with materials storage.

The growth of the U.S. national security apparatus was matched by a growing fear within the United States of communist infiltration and subversion. However, it would be one of the older organizations, the FBI, which proved most aggressive against a perceived communist threat.

Through several turns of good fortune, the FBI was able to uncover several networks of Soviet spies in the United States. Hoover, in addition to directing the FBI’s more legitimate counter-intelligence activities, cooperated with hardcore anticommunist politicians such as Richard Nixon and Joseph McCarthy.

The Fine Line between Domestic and Foreign

In 1956, under the orders of Hoover and the direct supervision of the chief of research and analysis in the FBI’s Intelligence Division, William Sullivan, the first FBI Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) was launched. COINTELPRO was the next stage of evolution in the FBI’s anticommunist agenda.

While including domestic surveillance, COINTELPRO went far beyond mere monitoring. COINTELRPO sought actively to disrupt targets by spreading false information within the ranks of targeted groups—a practice that at times led some groups to retaliate violently against, and even murder, those set up to appear to be informers. A variety of COINTELPROs, each directed at a specific target, would be established by the 1970s.

The CIA did not begin domestic spying programs in the 1950s. It did, however, begin some long-lasting domestic programs at that time. Under the direction of intelligence veteran Thomas Braden, the CIA began to wage a “cultural Cold War,” funding domestic and international leftist anticommunist organizations in the hope of forming a reliable non-communist left. At home, this consisted of a variety of activities, such as supporting the work of Jackson Pollack and funding the National Student Association.

These domestic activities violated the CIA’s mandate not to operate in the United States, but they had the general approval of the president. Many of those the CIA supported did not know where their money came from.

For example, most members of the National Student Association had no idea the CIA provided them with funds. In 1964 the president of the group explained that the mysterious funds it had received came from a wealthy Greek rug merchant whom he had met on a train. The rug merchant had apparently been so moved by the organization’s activities that he generously provided money to help them meet operating costs.

The precedent for their domestic activities established, the CIA expanded those activities to include surveillance during the tumultuous 1960s. As opposition to the Vietnam War increased at home, President Johnson grew convinced that part of the problem had to be that foreign agents were aiding the antiwar effort, and also, he feared, stoking the fires of the race riots that destabilized U.S. cities during the long hot summers of the 1960s. In 1967, he directed then-CIA director Richard Helms to investigate these possibilities.

Under the codename CHAOS, the CIA infiltrated the antiwar movement. The program expanded under Nixon, who like Johnson insisted foreign elements were behind the movement, leaving Helms straining to prove a negative by widening the surveillance net on the antiwar movement.

Eventually, the CIA recruited 4,067 informers in the antiwar movement. When the program was revealed by Seymour Hersh of the New York Times in 1974, he reported that CHAOS kept 10,000 CIA files on American citizens. That, it turned out, was a low estimate. Subsequent disclosures revealed that CHAOS held an index of 300,000 names, with especially extensive files on 7,200 U.S. citizens.

The NSA also came to monitor domestic targets. Its watch list included Jane Fonda, Joan Baez, Benjamin Spock, and Martin Luther King, Jr., among others. In 1969, the NSA formalized its activities into Operation Minaret, the full details of which have only recently been revealed. The NSA spied on figures such as New York Times reporter Tom Wicker, Washington Post columnist Art Buchwald, and two antiwar U.S. senators, Frank Church and Howard Baker.

The most aggressive domestic operations remained the FBI’s COINTELPROs, which, like the CIA, expanded in the 1960s. They investigated the New Left, the civil rights movement, Black Power advocates, and the American Indian Movement.

Hoover had long been suspicious of African Americans, having investigated W.E.B. DuBois in his early days as well as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Convinced that King must be a communist, Hoover began monitoring him heavily, eventually running eight wiretaps and 16 bugs on King.

Hoover discovered that King engaged in occasional extramarital affairs. Sullivan, still running the broad range of COINTELRPO operations, had tapes of the affairs sent to King along with a letter urging him to commit suicide.


Black Women's Activism and the Long History Behind #MeToo

In a powerful speech at the 2018 Golden Globes, Oprah Winfrey framed the #MeToo movement as the latest episode in a long history of women’s resistance to sexual harassment and violence. Her speech was also notable for emphasizing the activism of racially and economically marginalized women, including Recy Taylor, who died in 2017 at the age of 98. Taylor’s determination to seek justice for her rape in Jim Crow-era Alabama set the stage for the civil rights movement and in many ways, today’s modern #MeToo movement. The Me Too campaign was created in 2007 by Tarana Burke, a black woman following in the footsteps of Recy Taylor and Rosa Parks.

Use the following Teaching Idea as an entry point into Taylor’s story and the long history of black women’s activism against sexual violence and harassment.

Opomba: The readings and activities below contain references to rape and other forms of sexual violence and harassment that simultaneously may be difficult to understand for some students and all too real for others. It is possible that some students will have additional questions or comments on the topic of rape outside of the context of these activities. It is important to preview how you might respond to such questions and comments in case they arise. If they do, make sure to develop or return to a class contract with students to guide any discussion that follows.

Explore #MeToo through the Lens of Black Women’s History

Ask students to read the Washington Post article, Recy Taylor, Oprah Winfrey and the long history of black women saying #MeToo. Since the article is fairly long and may be challenging for some students, consider previewing some vocabulary in advance, or using the Read Aloud or the Annotating and Paraphrasing Sources teaching strategies to promote students’ understanding of the ideas and arguments presented.

Use the following questions to guide a class reflection and discussion after reading:

  • Who was Recy Taylor? Why is her story significant according to the author?
  • How does her story fit into the long history of sexual violence and white supremacy in the United States?
  • What evidence does McGuire provide to show that the Montgomery Bus Boycott was rooted in “black women’s demands for bodily integrity”?
  • Why do you think Winfrey connected Recy Taylor’s story to the #MeToo movement today?
  • Why, according to the author of the article, does this history matter today? Why does it matter in your opinion?

Read Rosa Parks’s Account of the Montgomery Bus Boycott

In the media and even some history textbooks, Rosa Parks’s motivation for her refusal to relinquish her seat has often been trivialized as “Rosa Parks was tired.” Present this information to students and ask them to compare this narrative to Parks’s own description of her motives for initiating the bus boycott (from Facing History’s study guide Eyes on the Prize, page 20). Students should also use the information they learned from the Washington Post article to support their reasoning.

Then, ask students to discuss the following questions:

  • What is missing from portrayals of Rosa Parks as simply “tired”?
  • How does the new information you gained from reading this account extend your thinking about Parks?
  • Why do you think the depiction of her motives for the bus boycott has become a dominant narrative?

Read a Primary Source Describing One Black Woman’s Experience Working as a Domestic Servant in White Households

To give students a better sense of the experiences of domestic workers in the Jim Crow South, who were the majority of participants in the Montgomery Bus Boycott, use Essie Favrot's personal account, from Facing History’s study guide Teaching Mockingbird.

When students finish reading, ask them to construct an identity chart for Essie Favrot. Then, discuss the following questions:


Domestic Names

The BGN's Domestic Names Committee provides information relating to domestic names new name and name change proposals the principles and policies by which it reviews name proposals past and pending cases and meeting schedule are available.

User Notice – May 17, 2021

The GNIS application will be getting a much-needed update and will go live within the next three months. Users will still be able to search and retrieve records and view the location on a map. Users will be able to select the best search type for their needs and download the results. The summary page for each record will include the location displayed on a map along with each point. Users will have the ability to select several options for map backgrounds to assist with location.

We will provide a final date for the implementation as soon as we know it.

Downloadable Files:

The location of GNIS download files will be moved to ScienceBase and users can choose to download the text files we continue to create as well as a new geodatabase file that can be used with ArcMap. Until we move to ScienceBase, users will be able to download the text files from the BGN website.

Data Content:

Since GNIS staff has been unable to maintain Domestic administrative names for quite some time (since October 1, 2014), these records will be archived from GNIS database and will no longer be available through the GNIS application. The data will be archived into separate files that can be downloaded from ScienceBase. We will no longer update the file once records are archived. All the information pertaining to the records will be available for download in the same format we use for the other text files. We will create a main names file, in the same format as the National file and an AllNames file (includes official and variant names). The following feature classes will be archived: Airport, Bridge, Building, Cemetery, Church, Dam, Forest, Harbor, Hospital, Mine, Oilfield, Park, Post Office, Reserve, School, Tower, Trail, Tunnel, and Well. The removal and archival of administrative names will also take place within the next three months.

Natural features, populated places, canals, and reservoirs remain under the purview of the Board on Geographic Names and the Civil, Census, and Military features will also be maintained via an agreement between the Census Bureau and USGS. These remaining feature types will continue to be maintained and distributed through the GNIS application and the bi-monthly distribution files.

Some administrative names are managed by other data themes of The National Map and are available for download from The National Map at (https://apps.nationalmap.gov/viewer Click Data Download).

The Geographic Names Information System (GNIS) is the Federal and national standard for geographic nomenclature. The U.S. Geological Survey's National Geospatial Program developed the GNIS in support of the U.S. Board on Geographic Names as the official repository of domestic geographic names data, the official vehicle for geographic names use by all departments of the Federal Government, and the source for applying geographic names to Federal electronic and printed products.

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The People vs. Columbus, et al.

Učna dejavnost. By Bill Bigelow. 9 pages. Rethinking Schools.
A trial role play asks students to determine who is responsible for the death of millions of Taínos on the island of Hispaniola in the late 15th century.

By Bill Bigelow

This role play begins from the premise that a monstrous crime was committed in the years after 1492, when perhaps as many as 3 million or more Taínos on the island of Hispaniola lost their lives. (Most scholars estimate the number of people on Hispaniola in 1492 at between 1 and 3 million some estimates are lower and some much higher.)

Who — and/or what — was responsible for this slaughter? This is the question students confront in the activity.

The intent of the lesson is to prompt students to wrestle with the roots of colonial violence. When I taught this, it came at the conclusion of a longer unit about the meaning of the European arrival in the Americas, one which included reading Taíno scholar José Barreiro’s “The Taínos: ‘Men of the Good,’” in Ponovno razmišljanje o Kolumbu, which explicitly critiques the notion of the Taíno as “primitive.” As Barreiro writes, “the Taínos strove to feed all the people, and maintained a spirituality that respected most of their main animal and food sources, as well as the natural forces like climate, season, and weather. The Taíno lived respectfully in a bountiful place so their nature was bountiful.” Barreiro notes that “There was little or no quarreling observed among the Taínos by the Spaniards.”

Students and I also read excerpts from Columbus’s journal, included in Ponovno razmišljanje o Kolumbu, which hint at the violence and exploitation to come: “They do not bear arms or know them, for I showed them swords and they took them by the blade and cut themselves through ignorance” — a quote that students find chilling. On his third day with these “gentle” people, October 14, 1492, Columbus concludes that “with 50 men they would be all kept in subjection and forced to do whatever may be wished…”

The more students know about Spain, Columbus’s voyages, Taíno culture, details of Columbus’s strategies to extract wealth from the people and land of the Caribbean, and Taíno resistance, the more effective this trial activity will be. But a caveat: The trial is not an introductory activity. A critical look at colonialism begins with the people being encountered prior to colonization, not with the domination those people experienced.

I wrote the lesson in 1991. Lots changed over my 30-year teaching career, but one thing stayed sadly consistent: Year after year, my high school U.S. history students had never heard of the Taíno people. Early in my classes, I asked students if they could name the guy some people say “discovered America.” There was never any shortage of students calling out “Columbus!” Then I asked, “OK. Who did he supposedly discover? Who was here first?” Sometimes a few students would say, “Indians.” But I’d say, “No. I mean which specific nationality? What were the names of the people he found?” In all my years of teaching, I never had a single student say: “The Taínos” — much less be able to name any individual Taíno. I told my students their name, and that there were at least hundreds of thousands of Taínos, possibly millions. “What does it say,” I asked, “that we all know the name of the fellow from Europe, a white man, but none of us can name who was here first?”

The People vs. Columbus et al.” was — and is — part of a broader effort to bring the Taíno people into the curriculum, to insist that their lives matter. Columbus’s policies toward the Taíno meet the United Nations’ definition of genocide. But there has also been an almost complete curricular erasure of the Taíno people, and it is up to educators to address this silence in our classes.

The lesson begins as follows:

1. In preparation for class, list the names of all the “defendants” on the board: Columbus, Columbus’ men, King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, and the System of Empire.

2. Tell students that each of these defendants is charged with murder — the murder of the Taíno Indians in the years following 1492. Tell them that, in groups, students will portray the defendants and that you, the teacher, will be the prosecutor. Explain that students’ responsibility will be twofold: a) to defend themselves against the charges, and b) to explain who they think is guilty and why.

A pedagogical note: Recently, there has been much discussion — and controversy — about role plays. It’s a term that embraces strategies the Zinn Education Project supports, and others we oppose. Some school activities — “role plays” — demand that students “recreate traumatic experiences,” in the words of Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Ohio State University professor. No Zinn Education Project activity engages in this kind of teaching. In this and other ZEP role plays, we do not ask students to perform. Although Columbus enslaved Taíno people, and ordered his men to spread “terror,” as documented by the Spanish priest Bartolomé de las Casas, students do not act any of this out in this role play. Instead, the role play asks students to attempt to represent different individuals’ and social groups’ points of view, to wrestle with who or what was responsible for the crimes against the Taínos. The “drama” in this activity is sparked by the intellectual and ethical questions students discuss, not by reenacting historical events. [Read How to — and How Not to — Teach Role Plays.]

Taínos

The trial role play is excerpted from Ponovni razmislek o Kolumbu: naslednjih 500 let, which includes more context for the events dealt with in the lesson, including “The Taínos: ‘Men of the Good,'” by José Barriero a critical reading activity of Columbus’s diary on his first contact with Indigenous people a timeline of Spain, Columbus, and Taínos with teaching ideas and an adaptation from the writings of Bartolomé de las Casas on the first Spanish priest to denounce the Spanish brutality in Hispaniola.

We also recommend Indigenous Cuba: Hidden in Plain Sight by José Barreiro in the National Museum of the American Indian and Whose History Matters? Students Can Name Columbus, But Most Have Never Heard of the Taíno People by Bill Bigelow in the Zinn Education Project “If We Knew Our History” series.

Scenes from the Classroom

Students engaged in the People vs. Columbus trial. (Teacher: Julian Hipkins, 11th grade at CCPCS in Washington, D.C. Photographer: Rick Reinhard, 2012)

Stories from the Classroom

“Guilty or Innocent? Hardy Middle School Students Put Columbus on Trial”

By Cierra Kaler-Jones

If you had to put Christopher Columbus on trial for murder, would he be considered guilty? Students in Caneisha Mills’ 8th-grade U.S. History class at Hardy Middle School in Washington, D.C. grappled with this question when they were assigned the task of deciding who would be considered guilty for the deaths of millions of Taínos on the island of Hispaniola in the 1490s . . .

Continue reading this play-by-play account of The People vs. Columbus, et al. at DC Area Educators for Social Justice.

The People vs. Columbus trial has been my most successful and popular lesson in the two years I taught it. Not only do students get to learn the extent of the atrocities committed by Spanish colonizers, but they get to engage in higher order thinking (one of my grad school buzzwords I think about a lot!) on the factors that cause historical atrocities to occur.

I LOVE how “the system of empire” is one of the options for students to blame or defend. This has generated some of the most challenging discussions I’ve seen in my class so far, as students say, “The king and queen would not have sent Columbus if they hadn’t been acting within the system!” and retort, “But the system is made up of individuals, and each have their own choices!” This thinking about structure vs. agency is a level of thinking in social studies that was not made explicit to me until college, and I am thrilled that this assignment has given my students an opportunity to delve into core disciplinary questions.

They get excited about it, too ― I’ve had students leap up in the trial, hollering their positions to each other in attempts to convince a jury of their peers. At the end of the trial this year, as the jury came back with the verdict, one of my students reflected, “I think that Columbus is like Trump, and the Tainos are like the Mexican people…” This prompted a discussion about how colonial-type oppression works in our current society, leading one student to observe, “You know, I think WE live within a system.” I asked them if they thought that they had any agency within the system, and they had a really thoughtful conversation about it.

Your resources truly fill a well left dry – not by forgetfulness, but by the same racist systems that perpetuate the injustices my students face on a daily basis in schools.

The Zinn Education Project made untold history come to life for students working on the People vs. Columbus tribunal. Students were immersed in building background knowledge by reading the indictments, working together, and using teacher-created graphic organizers to build a defense and a strong prosecution.

The lesson captivated the attention of my students in the online environment, fostered collaboration and highlighted rigorous writing, reading, and speaking & listening standards as we work our way through a delicate piece of history that not many know and everyone should appreciate.

Students remarked at the end of the first day in trial how fun and engaging the work was and how much they were learning by working together, interacting with the teacher and rereading the indictments to write argument pieces to present to class. Seeing the students produce quality work aligned to standards and related to our curriculum content is a magical feeling for a teacher and I for one am humbled it happened in my classroom.

I am grateful I had robust materials to use, a guide for instruction, and the opportunity to create. I am eager to continue to use more Zinn Education Project resources with my students in the future.

The science teacher told me that students were arguing during lunch about The People vs. Columbus et al. trial and who was to blame. This was the first time all school year he has heard students really talking about what they were learning outside of class time. To hear ninth graders thinking critically about how much of a person’s action reflects individual choice vs. what society compels them to do and then applying that to major events in world history is amazing. Thank you, Zinn Education Project.

When I first came across this website, one of the first activities I read was People vs. Columbus, et al. and I immediately began preparations to use it in my world history classes. After providing background information from A People’s History and various primary sources, we set the trial up.

My students’ reactions after the trial concludes can easily be described as unsettled. Never before had they heard of the crimes committed against the indigenous peoples of the “new world.” Never before did they realize the impact Europeans had on the indigenous peoples of the western hemisphere.

I have a writing assignment attached to this activity. In two paragraphs, I ask that they tell me who they think is to blame for the crimes. I also ask if they think we should still celebrate Columbus Day.

Afterward, we take a look at our textbook. We look at the one paragraph devoted to Columbus in which it describes his ability to persuade Queen Isabella in 1492. That’s it. That’s all it says. Thanks to the Zinn Education Project, my students have a better understanding of the impact left by him and other Europeans. Now, they know more than just the year he sailed and the color of the ocean.

I always begin my U.S. history course with the People vs. Columbus, et al Trial. It is amazing how engaged students become to not only learn the truth but also be able to defend themselves using the evidence provided. Students love creativity and this case allows students to come to their own conclusions.

More Classroom Stories

As a teacher, the Zinn Education Project website is invaluable because it provides activities that directly relate to A People’s History. Last week we did The People vs. Columbus, et al. which places all the parties involved in the arrival of Columbus on trial for the murder of the Tainos. The activity was so interactive that teachers from other classrooms had to ask us to quiet down. Students were able to better understand the motives and consequences behind the arrival.

Čeprav A People’s History can be a bit difficult for some students, the activities on the Zinn Education Project website makes the content accessible regardless of their reading level.

My students were completely engaged in The People vs. Columbus trial we held about the massacre of the Taíno people. They loved it! They were so outraged that Columbus Day is a federal holiday that I suggested we send letters to the editors of local newspapers and our city council. They were so excited. Most of the students chose to send letters. When a student’s letter was published the next day advocating for our city to celebrate Indigenous People’s Day, the students who had not yet sent letters immediately began to write their own.

It was a powerful lesson in civics, especially since my students are disenfranchised and feel like they don’t have power to effect change politically.

When I do the Christopher Columbus lesson, the students are blown away. They are usually so surprised at the truth behind Columbus. They also love the role-playing. This year, when I was doing the lesson, my assistant principal walked in just as one of the students who usually sits quietly during social studies was standing up and asking a fiery round of questions to the defendants on the stand. I was so impressed with it. The lesson also gets students who I usually don’t get a lot of participation out of to debate with the students who I do. Obožujem to!

The People vs. Columbus trial was so effective. I taught it in a Native American Studies course and the students spent a lot of time exploring primary source documents from Columbus and Las Casas.

It was powerful to watch them transform into excellent and passionate litigators, but basing their arguments upon historical evidence. Also, the power of role plays to induce empathy and compassion for various points of view was evident.

My students are all Native American and they are all too familiar with the concepts of genocide and exploitation. However, many of them did not know about the Taíno and were curious to learn more. At the conclusion we watched the film Even the Rain to enhance their understanding of the texts, and also to learn more about the Cochabamba water war to piece together an interdisciplinary unit about water that they were engaged in.

The Christopher Columbus trial is a phenomenal lesson to use with students. First, it forces them to think about the construct of our globalized world in a new and critical manner. Americans are bred upon the unchallenged idea of superiority and equality, and it is troubling for them to have to see that the true pillars of trade, colonization, exploration, and expansion are instead rooted in forced inferiority and exploitation. This lesson further challenges students to give up the stereotypes and nostalgia surrounding Native Americans (in this case on Hispaniola) and see them as people who had functioning societies and belief systems. The most powerful aspect of the lesson, however, is the way it forces students to research, utilize primary resources, think in a debate-like manner, and justify their positions with evidence.

One of my students returned to visit me last month to inform me that because of partaking in this lesson last year, he joined an online group advocating the end of Columbus Day. I was impressed to have a 10th grade student not only take a firm stand on something, but actually take action to incite change. Another of my students said that this “was the best lesson I ever learned because it helped me believe that there is ‘real’ history I can learn from.”

In a blog post about this lesson in action, Adrian Hoppel at the Talking Stick Learning Center describes how his students found all parties except the Taíno guilty — and apologized to the Taíno for being charged and being brought to a trial for their own genocide.

Each of the defendant groups did an amazing job defending themselves, pulling all of the obvious rationalizations you’d expect, but also surprising me with some very creative defenses. For example, when attempting to defend The System of Empire, the defendant stated that “while my system, unfortunately, allows for abuse and atrocities, it does not require them you still have to choose, on your own, to commit them.” I thought that was surprisingly astute.

By working hard to defend each of these groups, the hope was that each group would be examined for its complicity in this crime, and I feel this was most definitely accomplished.

Beyond the Classroom

Student Film Critiques Textbook Accounts and Hero Worshipping

High school student filmmakers Jared, Ana Marie, Jonah, and Mayra (not pictured) made “Columbus – The Hidden Story” for the 2011 National History Day competition.


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