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Franklin Pierce Adams

Franklin Pierce Adams


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Franklin Pierce Adams, sin Mojzesa in Clare Schlossberg Adams, se je rodil v Chicagu, Illinois, 15. novembra 1881. Adams je leta 1899 diplomiral na Armor Scientific Academy, obiskoval Univerzo v Michiganu, preden se je zaposlil v zavarovalništvu.

Adams je začel delati za Chicago Evening Journal leta 1903. Sprva je bil športni pisatelj, napisal pa je tudi kolumno, v kateri je lahko izrazil svoj velik smisel za humor. Leta 1904 se je preselil v New York Evening Mail napisati kolumno, Vedno dobrega humorja. To je bil velik uspeh in po besedah ​​Howarda Teichmanna "je vseboval drobce o mnogih stvareh, vendar se je zdelo, da je vsak zelo poliran dragulj, vsak dragulj modne proze ali poezije." Adams je bralce spodbudil, naj pošljejo prispevke. V tem obdobju so sodelovali Edna St. Vincent Millay, Sinclair Lewis, Dorothy Parker, Edna Ferber, Alice Duer Miller, Deems Taylor in Ring Lardner.

Adams je sprejel tudi material mladega prodajalca trakov Georgea S. Kaufmana. Leta 1908 se je dogovoril za srečanje s Kaufmanom. Avtor knjige George S. Kaufman: Intimni portret (1972) poudarja: "Ko sta se spoznala, je bilo kot v Kaufmanu vse v Adamsu pretirano. Adams je bil tanek, Kaufman je bil suh. Adamova polt je bila bleda, Kaufmanova je bila rahla. Kaufmanov nos je bil večji od Adamova", njegova očala so bili debelejši, njegovi lasje so bili temnejši in puhastejši. Adams je bil visok pet čevljev in osem centimetrov; Kaufman je stal več kot šest čevljev ... Adams je bil moški. Kaufman je bil osemnajstletni deček. "

Leta 1911 je dodal drugi stolpec, parodijo na Dnevnik Samuela Pepysa, z zapiski iz njegovih osebnih izkušenj. Na primer, poročal je o zaroki svojega prijatelja, Heywooda Brouna in Lidije Lopokove. "Heywood Broun, kritik, slišim, da se je zaročil z ljubico Lydijo Lopokovo, lepo igralko in plesalko. Sinoči mi jo je predstavil in zdela se je kot veseli vilenjak."

Leta 1914 je svojo kolumno preselil v New York Tribune, kjer se je preimenoval The Conning Tower. Po mnenju Johna Keatsa, avtorja Lahko bi tudi živeli: življenje in časi Dorothy Parker (1971): "Adams, erudit in duhovit človek, ki je bil po videzu podoben losu z ozkimi rameni, je pred vojno urejal najbolj brano in pismeno časopisno rubriko v mestu."

Med prvo svetovno vojno je Adams služil v vojaški obveščevalni službi. Kasneje je bil dodeljen nedavno ustanovljenemu Zvezde in črte, tedenski časopis vpisanih moških za vpisane moške. Urednik je bil Harold Ross, drugi, ki so sodelovali pri časopisu, so bili Alexander Woollcott, Cyrus Leroy Baldridge, Grantland Rice, Adolf Shelby Ochs, Stephen Early in Guy Viskniskki. Adamov glavni prispevek je bila kolumna z naslovom The Listening Post.

Po vojni se je vrnil v New York Tribune. V tem obdobju se je povezal s skupino, ki je skupaj jedla v jedilnici v hotelu Algonquin. Ta skupina je sčasoma postala znana kot okrogla miza Algonquin in je vključevala Robert E. Sherwood, Dorothy Parker, Robert Benchley, Alexander Woollcott, Heywood Broun, Harold Ross, Donald Ogden Stewart, Edna Ferber, Ruth Hale, Jane Grant, Neysa McMein, Alice Duer Miller, Charles MacArthur, Marc Connelly, George S. Kaufman, Beatrice Kaufman, Frank Crowninshield, Ben Hecht, John Peter Toohey, Lynn Fontanne, Alfred Lunt in Ina Claire.

Samuel Hopkins Adams, avtor knjige Alexander Woollcott: Njegovo življenje in njegov svet (1946), je trdil: "Algonquin je močno pridobil z literarnim vzdušjem, Frank Case pa je svojo hvaležnost izkazal tako, da je opremil delovno sobo, v kateri je Broun lahko izbil svojo kopijo, Benchley pa se je lahko preoblekel v večerni plašč, ki ga je slovesno nosil na vseh otvoritvah. . Woollcott in Franklin Pierce Adams sta imela v teh četrtletjih prehodne pravice. Kasneje je Case za celotno članstvo namenil poker sobo. " Med poker igralci so bili Adams, Alexander Woollcott, Herbert Bayard Swope, Robert Benchley, Harold Ross, Heywood Broun, George S. Kaufman, Deems Taylor, Laurence Stallings, Harpo Marx, Jerome Kern in princ Antoine Bibesco. Nekoč je Woollcott zvečer izgubil štiri tisoč dolarjev in protestiral: "Moj zdravnik pravi, da je škoda za moje živce, da izgubljam toliko." Trdili so tudi, da je Harpo Marx "med večerjo in zori osvojil trideset tisoč dolarjev". Howard Teichmann, avtor knjige George S. Kaufman: Intimni portret (1972) je trdil, da so bili Broun, Adams, Benchley, Ross in Woollcott slabši igralci pokra, Swope in Marx pa so bili ocenjeni kot "precej dobri", Kaufmann pa "najboljši pošten poker v mestu".

Do takrat je bil znan Franklin Pierce Adams. Brian Gallagher, avtor knjige Anything Goes: Jazz Age Neyse McMein in njenega ekstravagantnega kroga prijateljev (1987) je trdil: "Adams je v kolumni združil ostra opažanja o sodobnih trendih in dogodkih - bil je dedek ali morda praded New Yorker slog humorja - s prispevki, predvsem lahkimi verzi in aperkusi, ki jih je poslala voljna, nadarjena in neplačana skupina nadobudnih piscev. Čudna in škripajoča, kot se zdaj bere, je kolumna postavila nove standarde v ameriškem humorju (legitimirala igre besed, na primer) in pomagala pri začetku kariere številnih pisateljev ... Če je bil FPA, kot je zapisalo več komentatorjev, bolj kot dirigent kot pisatelj, res je, da je premagal hiter, lahkoten in za čas duhovit tempo. Do leta 1920 je bil FPA najbolj znan niz nepredsedniških začetnic v državi. "

Leta 1921 je Ruth Hale ustanovila Lucy Stone League. Prvi seznam članov je vseboval le petdeset imen. To so vključevali Adams, Heywood Broun, Jane Grant, Neysa McMein, Beatrice Kaufman, Anita Loos, Zona Gale, Janet Flanner in Fannie Hurst. Njena načela so bila močno izražena v knjižici, ki jo je napisal Hale: "Večkrat nas sprašujejo, zakaj zamerimo jemanju imena enega moškega namesto imena drugega, zakaj, z drugimi besedami, nasprotujemo temu, da vzamemo ime moža, ko imamo vseeno ime očeta Morda je najkrajši odgovor na to, da je v času, odkar je bilo ime našega očeta, postalo naše, da je med rojstvom in poroko odrasel človek z vsemi čustvi, mislimi, dejavnostmi itd. Včasih je koristno, da si rezerviramo podobo, ki smo si jo predolgo gledali, saj bi lahko slikar obrnil svoje platno v ogledalo, da bi z novo poravnavo napak, ki jih je morda spregledal, navadil nanje. Kaj bi vsak človek odgovoriti, če bi mu povedali, da mora spremeniti svoje ime, ko se poroči, ker je bilo njegovo prvotno ime le očetovo? Tudi če ne upoštevam dejstva, da sem bolj resnično opisan po imenu svojega očeta, čigar meso in kri sem , kot bi bila s svojim možem, ki sem Sem samo sodelavec z mano, čeprav ljubim v določenem socialnem podjetju, ali tudi sam ne bi bil prištet v nič. "

Leta 1922 je Herbert Bayard Swope, urednik časopisa New York World, je Adams povabil k delu za svoj časopis. Swope je zaposlil veliko število kolumnistov, večino trikrat na teden. To so vključevali Alexander Woollcott, William Bolitho, Heywood Broun, Deems Taylor, Samuel Chotzinoff, Laurence Stallings, Harry Hansen in St. John Greer Ervine. Swopejev biograf, Ely Jacques Kahn, je trdil: "Swope, ki nikoli ni napisal vrstice zanj, je spodbudil njegove sodelavce, naj povejo vse, kar jim je všeč, omejeni le z zakoni klevete in diktatom okusa. Ohraniti svoje stvari ker ni zvenelo zastarelo, poleg tega ni hotel zgraditi banke kolumn, pripravljenih za tiskanje; vsak je svoj izvod napisal za časopis za naslednji dan. " Howard Teichmann je trdil, da se je v tem obdobju Adams uveljavil kot "najboljši ameriški kolumnist humorja".

Adams je imel lepe spomine na delo v časopisu: "Še nikoli nisem bil tako zabaven v časopisni pisarni, kot sem se prvih nekaj let New York World. Kakršna koli pisarniška politika je obstajala, me to ni prizadelo, saj nihče ni hotel mojega dela in jaz nisem želel nikogaršnjega ... Pogosto so bile razprave in nasilne, žaljive razprave, ki so trajale tri ure ... Bili so boji - na splošno po telefonu - z mojim tehničnim šefom, gospodom Swopeom ... ki nikoli ni spremenil moje vrstice, niti znotraj niti zunaj nje, razen enkrat, ko me je rešil, tako da je spremenil nekaj, kar je postalo neresnično v času, ko sem to napisal, ob 15. uri. in ob 20.30 "

Adams je v tem obdobju postal tesni prijatelj Heywooda Brouna: "Broun je bil razkrivalec kakršne koli pretencioznosti, politične, uradne ali literarne ... Sovražil je krivice in nestrpnost; redkokdo ni maral tistih, ki so se mu zdeli krivični ali nestrpni. je bil lev v tisku, a jagnje v svojih osebnih odnosih. Moški, ki jih je v tisku napadel, bi ga povabili na kosilo; odšel bi in žrtev njegove jeze bi padla v njegov čar. Heywood, približno dvajset let , je moral zaslužiti veliko denarja. Za denar mu je bilo mar manj kot kdorkoli, ki ga poznam. "

F. D. White je bil poslovni direktor podjetja New York World. Ni odobraval progresivnih pogledov ljudi, kot so Adams, Broun in Laurence Stallings. Globoko se je soočil s svojimi radikalnimi idejami. White je razglasil, da se te "ideje liberalizma ... poigravajo z interesom časopisa". Predlagal je, naj Ralph Pulitzer, če bo tako odločen, da sodeluje v tem "liberalnem križarskem pohodu", "subvencionira drug časopis in pusti Brounu, Stallingsu, Adamsu in drugim agitatorjem ..., da na njegovih straneh vodijo nemire".

Maja 1928 je bil Heywood Broun odpuščen, potem ko je napisal članek, ki podpira kontracepcijo. Adams je bil odgovoren za to, da je poskušal nadomestiti Brouna, je trdil: "Več deset udarcev, nadomestkov in več ali manj stalnosti je dalo vse od sebe tri tedne ... Poskušal sem, da bi ljudje pisali zanj med poleti 1930, ljudje iz osebja pa so mi ga vedno dali za stolpec Broun. Zapisano želim, da je bilo odpuščanje Brouna za karkoli napaka. "

Decembra 1930 se je Ralph Pulitzer začel pogajati z Royjem W. Howardom o prodaji New York World. Prodaja je potekala in zadnja številka časopisa je izšla 27. februarja 1931. Organizacija Scripps-Howard je zdaj združila oba časopisa in mu dala ime New York World-Telegram. Adams je postal eden njegovih glavnih sodelavcev. Leta 1937 se je preselil v New York Post.

Leta 1938 je Adams postal panelist na radijskih informacijah Prosim. Ideja oddaje je bila, da bodo panelisti poskušali odgovoriti na vprašanja poslušalcev. Poslušalec je bil za uporabljeno vprašanje plačan pet dolarjev in deset dolarjev več, če strokovnjaki nanj niso mogli pravilno odgovoriti. Oddaja je bila tako komedija kot kviz in od udeležencev so pričakovali smešne odgovore na vprašanja. Adams je bil tudi na plošči, ko je leta 1952 postal televizijski program.

Franklin Pierce Adams je umrl v New Yorku 23. marca 1960.

© John Simkin, maj 2013

Franklin Pierce Adams je bil fant iz Chicaga, podoben Georgeu S. Kaufmanu po videzu, družinskem ozadju in duševni okretnosti. Njegova prva zaposlitev je bila leta 1903 pri Chicago Journal, kjer je napisal dnevno vremensko zgodbo. Kasneje so mu dovolili razkošje vsakodnevne humoristične rubrike. Čeprav vreme zanima vse, je Adamova humoristična kolumna postala tako uspešna, da je dobil dovoljenje, da se osredotoči samo nanjo. Toda Adams ni hotel monopolizirati humoristične kolumne. Namesto tega je povabil prispevke svojih bralcev. Te so spomladi na jezeru Michigan pritekle kot dež. Po enem letu in povečanju plače je bil Adams pripravljen na vzhod.

New York ga je vzel in ga spremenil v tisto, kar lahko New York naredi hitreje kot katero koli drugo mesto na svetu. Tako je F.P.A. slavna oseba. Njegovi sodelavci so bili Edna St. Vincent Millay, Sinclair Lewis, Dorothy Parker, Ring Lardner, Edna Ferber, Deems Taylor, John Erskine, Alice Duer Miller-skratka najsvetlejša mlada imena v ameriških črkah.

Zato se je zdelo nenavadno, da bi leta 1908 iz Patersona v New Jerseyju začele prihajati duhovitosti. Poleg tega niso bile običajne banalnosti, podobne bučam. Bili so dobri in Adams jih je začel voditi. Sodelavec Patersona, ki se je ujel iz Adamovega lastnega imena de plume, se je podpisal kot G.S.K.
Če si je v newyorškem časopisu ogledal svoje lastne besede, je George S. Kaufman naredil tisto, kar stikalo naredi za električno žarnico. Čez reko je eksplodiral cel kup komentarjev, šal, besednih iger, duhovitosti do F.P.A. Kot nagrado je F.P.A. vedno bolj uporablja G.S.K. Nazadnje so ga povabili v New York na večerjo z velikim kolumnistom.

Ko sta se spoznala, je bilo kot v Adamsu v Kaufmanu vse pretirano. Adams je bil visok pet čevljev in osem centimetrov; Kaufman je stal več kot šest čevljev.

Franklin Pierce Adams je bil, tako kot Neysa, srednjezahodnjak (v njegovem primeru iz Chicaga), ki je prišel v New York v iskanju pametnejšega in bolj prefinjenega življenja. Rojen leta 1881, se je leta 1903 preselil v New York in se takoj začel uveljavljati kot časopisnik. Do leta 1909 je bil dovolj znan za sodelovanje z O. Henryjem - na hitro pozabljenem muzikalu, Lo! - in do leta 1911 je ustvaril za New York Evening Mail, njegovo rubriko "Vedno v dobrem humorju", ki jo je preimenoval v "The Conning Tower", ko jo je leta 1914 prestavil na Tribune. Kolona je bila od prvega časa hiša za vrsto duhovite prefinjenosti, ki je FPA prišla v New. York je iskal in je zdaj pomagal opredeliti in ponazoriti.

Adams je v kolumni združil ostra opažanja o sodobnih trendih in dogodkih - bil je dedek ali morda praded New Yorker slog humorja - s prispevki, predvsem lahkimi verzi in aperkusi, ki jih je poslala voljna, nadarjena in neplačana skupina nadobudnih piscev. Čudna in škripajoča, kot se zdaj bere, je kolumna postavila nova merila v ameriškem humorju (legitimirala igre besed, na eni strani) in pomagala pri začetku kariere številnih piscev. Duhovit naklon Dorothy Parker v smeri FPA - "vzgojil me je iz dvoboja" - bi lahko naredili številni drugi pisatelji, ki so v desetletju po njihovem prvem nastopu pri okrogli mizi prišli sedeti poleg tega "domačega malega človeka" njegova kolumna: Marc Connelly, Robert Benchley, George S. Kaufman (ki je izumil "S" kot sredstvo, ki je po njegovem mnenju še dodatno odlikoval njegove prispevke v kolumni FPA). Do leta 1920 je bil "FPA" najbolj znan niz nepredsedniških začetnic v državi.

FPA je užival sloves, kot je po besedah ​​enega od njegovih sodobnikov "lahek umetniški talent, hitra pamet in briljantna osebnost." Nič ni tako spodbudilo tega vtisa kot njegova tedenska kronika, v tem, kar se zdaj zdi grozljivo podrobnost in neznosna posmehljiva restavratorska proza ​​(dnevnik Samuela Pepysa je bil njegov navidezni model), njegovih urnih dejanj kot družbenega in gledališkega gadaba na velemestni sceni. Biti redni "lik" v tej kroniki je bilo treba zagotoviti neko nejasno mitsko razvpitost. Neysa se je zdaj počutila pripravljeno prevzeti to vlogo.

Če odmislimo vse vraževerne pomisleke, se je Neysa, ki je nosila sladki grah, spustila na FPA v svoji pisarni Tribune v petek, 13. aprila 1917. FPA bi lahko zlahka zanihali ("V primerjavi z mano je vremenska krilca Gibraltar") , in ga je zanihala Neysa. Za popoldan sta ta dva presajena srednjezahodnjaka "govorila o Quincyju in Chicagu ter literaturi in vojni". Tudi takrat je Adams "obžaloval, da je tako hitro odšel." Čeprav se morda takrat tega ni zavedala, je Neysa vzpostavila bistven stik, ki bo določil obliko njenega življenja v naslednjem desetletju - in še dlje.

V naslednjih tednih se je Neysa redno pojavljal v zapisu FPA o svojem početju. Obiskuje njeno stanovanje, poroča, da je bolna, večerja z njo, jo odpelje v Gambol Lambs (kjer oba najdeta naraščajočega humorista Willa Rogersa, najboljšega zabave večera) in jo pospremi na predavanje raziskovalca Arktike (kjer se samo Neysi zdijo zabavni pingvini). "Gospodarica Neysa" je na sliki "zelo poštena v modri obleki"; po nekajmesečni ločitvi poroča FPA "njen čar nič manj kot kdajkoli prej".

V prvih letih njunega poznanstva je FPA odkrivala, kaj bi kasneje označil za Neysino vodjo, četudi najbolj radovedno, privlačnost-namreč, da bi njeno nepoznavanje določenih stvari lahko bilo bolj razsvetljujoče kot znanje drugih ljudi o njih. Brez dvoma sta si on in mnogi drugi moški z veseljem sporočali.

Neysa se je zelo dobro obveščala, saj je dobro poslušala, čeprav komaj pasivno ali nekritično. Moški in občasno ženske, ki so se lotili neformalne naloge izobraževanja, so morali biti sami. Kljub voljni ležernosti in nedorečenosti je Neysa ohranila tudi trmasto realističen niz, ki ji je omogočil, da loči razum od neumnosti.


3 veliki politični dogodki franklina pierceja - franklin prodorna zabavna dejstva

Franklin Pierce se je rodil 23. novembra 1804 v Hillsboroughu v New Hampshireu. Med njegovimi brati in sestrami so bili štirje bratje, dve sestri in ena polsestra. Pierce je prihajal iz družine, ki je imela dobre politične izkušnje. Njegov oče, Benjamin Pierce, je bil politično aktiven človek, ki je sodeloval v vojni za neodvisnost in pozneje postal guverner New Hampshira.

Pierce je študiral na Bowdoin College v Maineu in diplomiral kot peti v svojem razredu, kasneje pa je študiral pravo in bil leta 1827 sprejet v odvetniško zbornico. Kmalu zatem se je zgodil njegov prodor v politiko. Več.

Franklin Pierce, 14. predsednik Združenih držav Amerike od leta 1853 do 1857. Bil je pravzaprav eden najbolj kontroverznih predsednikov, ki so jih ZDA imele. Med svojim uvodnim govorom je govoril o dobi miru in blaginje doma ter poudaril, da bodo ZDA morale pridobiti dodatno premoženje, da si ga zagotovijo.

Tu so trije veliki politični dogodki, ki so se zgodili v času predsedovanja Franklina Piercea. Več.

Med svojo predsedniško kampanjo Franklin Pierce ni imel zabeleženih sloganov, ki jih je uporabljal med kampanjo. Ko je Franklin Pierce ali Čedni Frank, kot so ga ljubkovalno imenovali, prevzel funkcijo, ni prisegel na Biblijo, tudi če je bila to tradicija. To je bilo zato, ker je Pierce menil, da je s smrtjo njegovega sina v čudaški nesreči, le dva meseca pred nastopom funkcije, sodbo sprejel Bog.

Med svojim uvodnim nagovorom predsednik Franklin Pierce ni uporabil nobenih ročnih zapiskov. To je bil improviziran naslov. Ko je prevzel funkcijo, je bil Pierce do takrat najmlajši predsednik ZDA. Več.


11 najbolj pijanih predsednikov v zgodovini ZDA

Ta država ima dolgo in ponosno tradicijo pijanosti vse do najvišje funkcije.

Kmalu zatem, ko so Američani spoznali, da lahko v kozarec Solo vlijete nekaj unč piva, jih zdrobite, skodelico postavite na rob mize in jo prevrnete … so naši predsedniki klatili.

Včeraj zvečer sem se na srečo znašel v internetni črvini, ki je raziskovala pijanost preteklih predsednikov, in našel sem 11 odličnih pijanih nekdanjih ameriških predsednikov. In kadar koli najdem 11 stvari, grem naravnost na svojo spletno stran.

Tukaj je 11 najbolj pijanih ameriških predsednikov, po kronološkem vrstnem redu. Tono zaslug za anekdote tukaj ima knjiga z naslovom Zdravje predsednikov: 41 ameriških predsednikov do leta 1993 z zdravniškega vidika avtorja John R. Bumgarner (povezava Amazon).

1 | John Adams

John Adams bi to res lahko raztrgal. Ko je pri 15 letih prišel na Harvard, je za zajtrk redno pil pivo. Med potovanjem v Philadelphijo leta 1777 je svoji ženi pisal …

Za sod vašega jabolčnika bi dal tri gvineje. Niti ene kapljice tega ne bi imeli tukaj za zlato, vina pa ne bi smeli imeti pod 68 USD na galono.#8230 Rum je štirideset šilingov na galono. Majhno pivo je tukaj hudo slabo. Skratka, ničesar ne morem piti in verjamem, da bom samo zaradi tega vzrok.

Če ste ’ podobni meni, ste mislili, da je morda celoten gvinej za vaš sod jabolčnika govoril umazano z njo. Ampak jaz ’m sem mislil, da ne … John Adams se je hotel samo napiti.

Poleg pijanosti je pri osmih letih začel kaditi in nadaljeval, dokler ni umrl. Pri 90 letih.

2 | Martin van Buren

Martin van Buren je toliko pil, da je očitno razvil toleranco Andreja velikana.

Lahko je pil več dni in ni kazal znakov zastrupljenosti, zato so mu prijatelji dali vzdevek “Blue Whisky Van. ” (Nisem prepričan, na kaj se sklicuje “blue ”. Ali isti “blue top ”, na katerega se sklicuje Jamie Foxx Krivite Al-Al-Al-Al-Al-Alcohol, kar je še ena referenca alkohola, povezana z modro, ki je ne razumem?)

Na predsedniških volitvah leta 1840 je kampanja Williama Henryja Harrisona in#8217 naslikala Van Burena kot alkoholika, kar je prispevalo k temu, da je Van Buren izgubil na volitvah.

3 | Franklin Pierce

Franklin Pierce je bil morda najbolj ameriški predsednik alkoholizma. Vse svoje odraslo življenje je močno pil in ves čas svojega predsedovanja.

Ko se je Demokratična stranka odločila, da Pierca po prvem mandatu ne bo ponovno imenovala, je novinarjem povedal, da ne preostane nič drugega, kot da se napije. ” Holla, Franklin Pierce.

4 | James Buchanan

Buchanan je v bistvu svoje predsedniško življenje osredotočil na pitje.

Jezni bi se, ko bi Belo hišo založili le z majhnimi steklenicami šampanjca. Vsako nedeljo gre ’d v destilarno po 10 kosov viskija. Vsak večer pije ’d konjak … in do dve steklenici drugega alkohola##8230.

Po vseh poročilih bi res lahko obvladal svojo pijačo. Novinar je napisal “ Ni bilo glavobola, nihajočih korakov, zardelih lic. Vse je bilo tako hladno, mirno in previdno ter budno kot na začetku. ”

Toda …, medtem ko je bil zunaj lahkoten pijanec, znotraj pa ga je alkohol tepel. Njegov imunski sistem je bil tako oslabljen, da je dobil protin in dvakrat dizenterijo ….

5 | Ulysses S. Grant

Grant ima največji alkoholni ugled od vseh ameriških predsednikov. Nekatera poročila pravijo, da je med bitkami v državljanski vojni cel dan samo sedel in pil in pil.

Ko je bil na smrtni postelji, se je onesvestil in zdravnik ga je lahko oživil … in mu dal nekaj dodatnih minut življenja …, tako da mu je dal žganja.

6 | Chester A. Arthur

Kot predsednik bi Arthur precej ponoči pil vino in likerje po večerji. V pisarni je pridobil približno 40 kilogramov, od tega veliko zaradi stalnega pitja (in ob pijači prijateljev).

V soboto zvečer se je tako pogosto napil, da je potreboval voziček, ki ga je naslednje jutro odpeljal v cerkev …, čeprav je bila cerkev dobesedno manj kot blok stran od Bele hiše.

7 | Grover Cleveland

Cleveland je imel velik pivski trebuh …, ker je vsak dan pil pivo. [Vnesite svojo šalo o tem, kako bi lahko, če bi samo pil v zaporednih dneh, tukaj shujšal.]

Med enimi manjšimi volitvami na začetku svoje politične kariere (vse pomembna tekma za okrožnega tožilca leta 1870 v okrožju Erie v New Yorku) sta se z nasprotnikom dogovorila, da bosta vsak dan spila le štiri kozarce piva … njihova rasa. Po nekaj dneh so se odločili, da je to prestrogo, zato bodo kapo slekli.

8 | William Howard Taft

Kolikor lahko povem, je bil Taft kot debel človek v kateri koli skupini prijateljev, ki so stvari naredili bolj zabavne. Sam ni bil tako velik pijanec, vsekakor pa je bil brat v 5XL havajski majici, ki je skrbel, da so se vsi njegovi prijatelji napili. Bil je Bluto predsednikov.

V njegovem prvem letu predsednika je eden od njegovih pomočnikov zapisal: “ Predsednik nikoli ne vzame ničesar za pijačo, ampak je najbolj razsipen pri spodbujanju drugih. ”

9 | Franklin D. Roosevelt

Obstajajo govorice, da je FDR veliko pil. Zdelo se mu je, da se je vedno le znašel okoli alkohola.

En dober primer: zdravnik je postavil FDR na dieto z nizko vsebnostjo maščob, da bi poskušal pomagati pri njegovi hipertenziji in težavah s srcem. Toda FDR je postal premajhen, zato mu je zdravnik rekel, da se mora znova zrediti. FDR ’s ga nameravata pridobiti? Količina pitne mase jajc št.

10 | John F. Kennedy

Ni dejanskega dokaza, da je JFK pil. Imam pa irsko prijateljico po imenu Molly, ki je zelo pela in to me je pripeljalo do prepričanja, da nekateri stereotipi obstajajo, ker so le resnični.

11 | George W. Bush

Bush je bil slavno aretiran zaradi vožnje pod vplivom v 8. Tipični liberalni mediji.

Častno se omenja Betty Ford — pred kliniko za rehabilitacijo alkohola in drog, bila je prva dama v pijanem ritju. In Baracku Obami, ki še ne pije, vendar je na tako priljubljeni reklamni turneji (ESPN-braketologija? Leno?), Da ugibam, da ima še dva bančna zapirala stran od popovanja steklenic v videu T-Pain.


Franklin Pierce / Franklin Pierce - ključni dogodki

"Bleeding Kansas"-gverilska vojna med priseljenci, ki podpirajo suženjstvo in se borijo proti suženjstvu, ko poskušajo vzpostaviti "ljudsko suverenost", se pojavi in ​​dve leti porabi Kansas.

Dva meseca pred nastopom funkcije predsednika Franklina Piercea in njegovo družino prizadene tragedija. Razbitina vlaka ubije Piercesovega enajstletnega sina Benjamina, edinega preživelega otroka v zakonu. Jane Pierce, ki je že nezadovoljna z možnostjo selitve v Washington, smrt razlaga kot obsodbo odločitve njenega moža za predsednika in postane samotarka. Predsednik Pierce je ob vstopu v službo žalosten in kriv.

Franklin Pierce je inavguriran kot štirinajsti predsednik države. Njegov uvodni govor aludira na potrebo po dodatnih deželah za povečanje varnosti ZDA - obljubo, ki razjezi severnjake, ki trdijo, da se Pierce prikloni južnim željam po razširitvi suženjstva.

Podpis Gadsdenovega nakupa, za katerega se je pogajal James Gadsden, ameriški minister v Mehiki. Za 15 milijonov dolarjev ZDA pridobijo več kot 29.600 kvadratnih milj novega ozemlja v jugozahodni Arizoni in Novi Mehiki. Nakup določa dokončne meje Združenih držav in bo z zagotavljanjem pasu zemlje Tihemu oceanu uporabljen kot pot za južno pacifiško železnico. Fernando Wood je zmagal na dirki za župana New Yorka in postal prvi šef Tammany Halla, ki je zapolnil položaj. Pod vodstvom Wooda je Tammany Hall postala prevladujoča sila v življenju newyorške politike. Društvo Tammany, ustanovljeno leta 1786, se razvija, da podpira Jeffersonovo politiko v mestu. V poznih štiridesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja politična organizacija uživa uspeh nad lokalnimi strankami, ki ne vedo nič in vigovci, saj je povezana s številnimi priseljenci. Njegovi programi in storitve novim Američanom zagotavljajo hrano, zaposlitev in zaščito. V zameno volilni volivci spregledajo Tammanyjeve goljufive volitve in druge koruptivne prakse.

Podpisana kupoprodajna pogodba Gadsden

30. decembra 1853 je bila podpisana kupoprodajna pogodba Gadsden, ki je ZDA podelila približno 45.000 kvadratnih milj severne Mehike. Predsednik Franklin Pierce in njegov državni sekretar Jefferson Davis sta želela deželo - ki zdaj obsega Novo Mehiko in četrt južne Arizone - za predlagano južno transkontinentalno železnico. Pierce je za ameriškega ministra v Mehiki imenoval promotorja železnic v Južni Karolini Jamesa Gadsdena in ga obtožil pogajanj o pogodbi z mehiškim predsednikom Antoniom Lopezom de Santa Anno. Po nekaj napačnih začetkih sta se Gadsden in Santa Anna dogovorila o pogodbi, v kateri bi ZDA kupile 55.000 kvadratnih kilometrov za 15 milijonov dolarjev. Poleg tega je pogodba razrešila izjemne razlike med državama glede pogodbe iz Guadalupe Hidalgo iz leta 1848, ki je končala mehiško vojno.

Nakup Gadsden je doma vzbudil veliko nasprotovanje, zlasti med razpravo o ratifikaciji senata. Politiki proti suženjstvu so trdili, da je pogodba dejansko prizadevanje za razširitev suženjstva. Promotorji železnic, ki iščejo severno transkontinentalno železnico, so nasprotovali nakupu, saj je bilo videti, da je to zavarovanje propada njihovega favoriziranega projekta. Ti protesti pa niso bili uspešni. 25. aprila 1854 je senat ratificiral pogodbo, vendar je zmanjšal dotacijo za zemljo in plačilo zmanjšal na 10 milijonov dolarjev. Junija je Parlament sprejel predlog proračunskih sredstev in pogodba je začela veljati.

Nakup Gadsden je bil pomembna, vendar omejena zmaga predsednika Piercea. Njegova uprava je pridobila precejšnjo količino zemlje brez vojne in rešila mednarodne težave, ki so nastale zaradi mehiške vojne. Pierceovi južni zavezniki so pridobili zemljišča, potrebna za izgradnjo južne železniške poti do Pacifika. Vendar je Piercejeva zmaga imela svojo ceno. Kot je pokazala razprava o ratifikaciji pogodbe, je nakup Gadsden podžgal napetosti v odsekih zaradi širjenja suženjstva. To vprašanje se je ponavljalo za Pierceovo upravo - in ga ni uspelo rešiti.

Po skoraj treh stoletjih japonske izolacije je komodor Matthew Perry, ki ga je predsednik Fillmore prvi ukazal na Japonsko, podpisal Kanagavsko pogodbo, ki označuje začetek trgovine pacifiškega naroda s preostalim svetom. Združenim državam je dovoljen konzulat na Japonskem, ameriške ladje pa bodo zaradi omejene trgovine lahko vplule v japonska pristanišča.

Društvo za pomoč emigrantom Massachusetts je ustanovila Eli Thayer, da bi spodbudila nasprotnike suženjstva, da se preselijo v Kansas. Thayer, ki od leta 1857 do 1861 postane ameriški kongresnik (republikanec), ustanovi družbo, medtem ko služi v državnem zakonodajnem telesu. 21. februarja 1855 se društvo preimenuje v New England Emigrant Aid Society.

Kansas -Nebraska Act je podpisan po tem, ko ga je predstavil tekmec predsednika Piercea, senator Stephen Douglas (Democrat - IL). Predlog zakona ponovno odpira vprašanje suženjstva na Zahodu z razveljavitvijo kompromisa iz Missourija iz leta 1820, organizira ozemlja v Kansasu in Nebraski na podlagi "ljudske suverenosti" in utira pot transkontinentalni železnici od Chicaga do Kalifornije. Čeprav Pierce ne mara predloga in ga skrbi, da bo povzročil nacionalno kontroverzo, podleže pritisku različnih senatorjev, ki grozijo, da bodo blokirali imenovanja.

Pierce podpisuje Kansas-Nebraska Act

30. maja 1854 je predsednik Franklin Pierce podpisal zakon iz Kansas-Nebraske, ki je bil namenjen reševanju vprašanja širjenja suženjstva na ozemlja. Vendar pa ni uspel, zakon Kansas-Nebraska je bil eden ključnih političnih dogodkov, ki so privedli do ameriške državljanske vojne.

Zakon o Kansas-Nebraski je ozemlja Kansasa in Nebraske organiziral na podlagi ljudske suverenosti, kar je ozemljem omogočilo, da se sama odločita, ali bosta dovolila suženjstvo, ko bosta zaprosila za državnost. Ta akt je dejansko razveljavil kompromis iz Missourija iz leta 1820, ki je na nekdanjem ozemlju Louisiane prepovedal suženjstvo severno od zemljepisne širine 36 stopinj 30 minut, ker je odprl možnost, da bi Kansas in Nebraska (oba nad črto 36 ° 30 ') postala suženjski državi. Northern anti-slavery politicians and activists were livid. Southerners assumed that the Kansas territory would become a slave state, while Nebraska would be a free state.

Senator Stephen Douglas of Illinois designed the Kansas-Nebraska Act and pushed it through Congress. He hoped the act would settle the divisive issue of extending slavery into the territories by removing it from national politics and leaving it for the individual states and territories to decide. Douglas also believed that the Democratic Party could unify behind the banner of popular sovereignty-and that this would greatly aid his presidential aspirations.

In fact, the law did neither. It provoked violence between pro- and anti-slavery forces in Kansas, and it failed to unite the Democratic Party. Southern Democrats favored the bill, but Northern Democrats, sensing their constituents' unease with the extension of slavery, generally avoided taking a stand on it. The Kansas-Nebraska Act also deepened the serious sectional divides in the Whig Party, leading to its eventual destruction. Finally, the act intensified Northern anti-slavery sentiment, which aided the formation of the Republican Party. This political realignment was a major cause of the Civil War.

President Pierce personally lobbied Democrats to support Douglas's bill. As the tide of opposition rose in the North, Pierce used the Kansas-Nebraska Act as a test of party loyalty. He used his presidential powers to cajole, threaten, or promise federal patronage for support and, in the end, was able to direct the votes of many Northern Democrats. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was the most important legislation of the Pierce presidency, but it was a costly victory. Many in the North believed Pierce catered to Southern interests who wanted to expand slavery. This led to a loss of Northern support for Pierce's foreign policy. President Pierce showed that he could not govern effectively or unite the party. The divisive debate surrounding the spread of slavery would not go away-as it had not in 1820 and 1850, and Pierce's presidency languished as a result.


Franklin Pierce Adams - History

For most Americans, when we think of President Franklin Pierce, we draw a blank. Pierce simply wasn’t that memorable, especially compared to our many high-profile leaders. Perhaps that is because our 14th President was most notable as a contrarian and for the tragic loss of his children.

Some historians consider Franklin Pierce the worst president the United States has ever had. He served just one term, from 1853 to 1857, yet he managed to accomplish two “firsts” with that. He was nominated as the first-ever presidential “dark horse” candidate in American history. Pierce was more or less a political unknown at the time and won the nomination only after Democratic Party representatives went through four dozen ballots unable to agree on anyone better known.

Pierce’s political failures while in office caused his fellow Democrats to turn their backs on him four years later. Although he wanted to serve a second term, they refused him another nomination. Franklin Pierce became the first sitting president to suffer that insult.


FROM THE COLLECTION OF RALEIGH DeGEER AMYX: AN INTRICATE PLATE FROM THE FRANKLIN PIERCE OFFICIAL WHITE HOUSE CHINA - IMPORTED AND DECORATED BY HAUGHWOT & DAILY, NEW YORK. THIS WAS THE FIRST AMERICAN DECORATED CHINA SERVICE EVER PURCHASED BY THE U.S. GOVERNMENT FOR THE WHITE HOUSE.

Born in New Hampshire, Franklin Pierce gained notoriety as a Northerner with a Southern attitude toward slavery. Pierce was an expansionist and dedicated considerable effort to adding territory. However, because of his stance in favor of slavery, many saw these efforts as a covert ploy to expand the practice. So instead of quietly maintaining the peace between pro- and anti-slavery factors – the nation’s expectation of his presidency – Pierce’s actions fanned the flames of controversy.

Pierce continued to argue in favor of slavery after he left office, and was an overt opponent of Abraham Lincoln.

He went against the grain in other ways, too. At his inauguration, he merely affirmed his oath of office by placing his hand on one of his law books rather than swearing on a Bible. Interestingly, he gave his entire inaugural speech – 3,319 words’ worth -- from memory. Pierce punctuated that by cancelling his inaugural ball.

FORMER FIRST LADY JANE PIERCE (1806-1863) WITH THEIR ELDEST SON BENNIE WHO TRAGICALLY DIED IN A TRAIN WRECK AT AGE 11

Pierce’s wife Jane suffered from frail health and depression throughout her life, and the couple’s three sons all perished before the age of 12. Franklin, Jr. died just three days after his birth in 1836. Frank Robert was born in 1839 but died four years later during a typhoid epidemic. And Benjamin, known affectionately to his parents as “Bennie,” died horribly in a train wreck just two months before his father took office as President. Bennie, 11 years old at the time, was the only person to die in the accident.

For much of his life, Franklin Pierce vacillated between alcoholism and advocating temperance. His wife was devoutly religious, and it was through her he first became active in the temperance movement. But his dependence on alcohol during trying times became more prominent as he aged, and ultimately he died of cirrhosis of the liver in 1869.

FRANKLIN PIERCE BEGAN THE TRADITION OF DISPLAYING A CHRISTMAS TREE IN THE WHITE HOUSE.

There was, however, one bright note in Pierce’s presidency: he was the first President to put up a Christmas tree in the White House.

World renowned collector Raleigh DeGeer Amyx has acquired a remarkable number of scarce or rare pieces of official White House China. Mr. Amyx’s passion for American historical artifacts has been his sole focus for more than 35 years. Mr. Amyx's collection is the largest privately-owned collection of extremely high-quality, as well as the rarest, Official White House China and Presidential China in the world. If you would like to engage in a discussion with Mr. Amyx about White House China, please contact him through the button below.


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About Franklin Pierce, 14th President of the USA

Franklin Pierce (November 23, 1804 – October 8, 1869) was an American politician and the fourteenth President of the United States, serving from 1853 to 1857. To date, he is the only president from New Hampshire.

Born in Hillsborough, New Hampshire, in 1804, Pierce attended Bowdoin College. After graduation he studied law, then entered politics. At 24 he was elected to the New Hampshire legislature two years later he became its Speaker. During the 1830's he went to Washington, first as a Representative, then as a Senator.

Pierce was a Democrat and a "doughface" (a Northerner with Southern sympathies) who served in the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate. Later, Pierce took part in the Mexican-American War and became a brigadier general. His private law practice in his home state, New Hampshire, was so successful that he was offered several important positions, which he turned down. Later, he was nominated for president as a dark horse candidate on the 49th ballot at the 1852 Democratic National Convention. In the presidential election, Pierce and his running mate William R. King won by a landslide, defeating the Whig Party ticket of Winfield Scott and William A. Graham by a 50 to 44% margin in the popular vote and 254 to 42 in the electoral vote.

Franklin Pierce became President at a time of apparent tranquility. The United States, by virtue of the Compromise of 1850, seemed to have weathered its sectional storm. By pursuing the recommendations of southern advisers, Pierce--a New Englander--hoped to prevent still another outbreak of that storm. But his policies, far from preserving calm, hastened the disruption of the Union.

Pierce, after serving in the Mexican War, was proposed by New Hampshire friends for the Presidential nomination in 1852. At the Democratic Convention, the delegates agreed easily enough upon a platform pledging undeviating support of the Compromise of 1850 and hostility to any efforts to agitate the slavery question. But they balloted 48 times and eliminated all the well-known candidates before nominating Pierce, a true "dark horse."

According to historian David Potter, Pierce was sometimes referred to as "Baby" Pierce, apparently in reference to both his youthful appearance and his being the youngest president to take office to that point (although he was only a year younger than James K. Polk when he took office).

Probably because the Democrats stood more firmly for the Compromise than the Whigs, and because Whig candidate Gen. Winfield Scott was suspect in the South, Pierce won with a narrow margin of popular votes.

His inoffensive personality caused him to make many friends, but he suffered tragedy in his personal life and as president subsequently made decisions which were widely criticized and divisive in their effects, thus giving him the reputation as one of the worst presidents in U.S. history.

Two months before he took office, he and his wife saw their eleven-year-old son killed when their train was wrecked. Grief-stricken, Pierce entered the Presidency nervously exhausted.

In his Inaugural he proclaimed an era of peace and prosperity at home, and vigor in relations with other nations. The United States might have to acquire additional possessions for the sake of its own security, he pointed out, and would not be deterred by "any timid forebodings of evil."

Pierce had only to make gestures toward expansion to excite the wrath of northerners, who accused him of acting as a cat's-paw of Southerners eager to extend slavery into other areas. Therefore he aroused apprehension when he pressured Great Britain to relinquish its special interests along part of the Central American coast, and even more when he tried to persuade Spain to sell Cuba.

Pierce's popularity in the North declined sharply after he came out in favor of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, repealing the Missouri Compromise and reopening the question of the expansion of slavery in the West. Pierce's credibility was further damaged when several of his diplomats issued the Ostend Manifesto. Historian David Potter concludes that the Ostend Manifesto and the Kansas-Nebraska Act were "the two great calamities of the Franklin Pierce administration. Both brought down an avalanche of public criticism." More important says Potter, they permanently discredited Manifest Destiny and "popular sovereignty" as a political doctrine and slogan of that time that purported to delegate the decision as to whether slavery should be allowed in a particular territory to the eligible white male voters therein, instead of being determined by a national scheme such as that embodied in the Missouri Compromise and similar agreements between the free and slave interests.

This measure, the handiwork of Senator Stephen A. Douglas, grew in part out of his desire to promote a railroad from Chicago to California through Nebraska. Already Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, advocate of a southern transcontinental route, had persuaded Pierce to send James Gadsden to Mexico to buy land for a southern railroad. He purchased the area now comprising southern Arizona and part of southern New Mexico for $10,000,000.

Douglas's proposal, to organize western territories through which a railroad might run, caused extreme trouble. Douglas provided in his bills that the residents of the new territories could decide the slavery question for themselves. The result was a rush into Kansas, as southerners and northerners vied for control of the territory. Shooting broke out, and "bleeding Kansas" became a prelude to the Civil War.

By the end of his administration, Pierce could claim "a peaceful condition of things in Kansas." But, to his disappointment, the Democrats refused to renominate him, turning to the less controversial James Buchanan.

Pierce returned to New Hampshire, leaving his successor to face the rising fury of the sectional whirlwind. After losing the Democratic nomination, Pierce continued his lifelong struggle with alcoholism as his marriage to Jane Means Appleton Pierce fell apart. His reputation was destroyed during the American Civil War when he declared support for the Confederacy, and personal correspondence between Pierce and Confederate President Jefferson Davis was leaked to the press. He died in 1869 from cirrhosis.(Note: death certificate says dropsy which is edema from congestive heart failure)

Philip B. Kunhardt and Peter W. Kunhardt reflected the views of many historians when they wrote in The American President that Pierce was "a good man who didn't understand his own shortcomings. He was genuinely religious, loved his wife and reshaped himself so that he could adapt to her ways and show her true affection. He was one of the most popular men in New Hampshire, polite and thoughtful, easy and good at the political game, charming and fine and handsome. However, he has been criticized as timid and unable to cope with a changing America."

Franklin Pierce became President at a time of apparent tranquility. The United States, by virtue of the Compromise of 1850, seemed to have weathered its sectional storm. By pursuing the recommendations of southern advisers, Pierce--a New Englander--hoped to prevent still another outbreak of that storm. But his policies, far from preserving calm, hastened the disruption of the Union.

Born in Hillsborough, New Hampshire, in 1804, Pierce attended Bowdoin College. After graduation he studied law, then entered politics. At 24 he was elected to the New Hampshire legislature two years later he became its Speaker. During the 1830's he went to Washington, first as a Representative, then as a Senator.

Pierce, after serving in the Mexican War, was proposed by New Hampshire friends for the Presidential nomination in 1852. At the Democratic Convention, the delegates agreed easily enough upon a platform pledging undeviating support of the Compromise of 1850 and hostility to any efforts to agitate the slavery question. But they balloted 48 times and eliminated all the well-known candidates before nominating Pierce, a true "dark horse."

Probably because the Democrats stood more firmly for the Compromise than the Whigs, and because Whig candidate Gen. Winfield Scott was suspect in the South, Pierce won with a narrow margin of popular votes.

Two months before he took office, he and his wife saw their eleven-year-old son killed when their train was wrecked. Grief-stricken, Pierce entered the Presidency nervously exhausted.

In his Inaugural he proclaimed an era of peace and prosperity at home, and vigor in relations with other nations. The United States might have to acquire additional possessions for the sake of its own security, he pointed out, and would not be deterred by "any timid forebodings of evil."

Pierce had only to make gestures toward expansion to excite the wrath of northerners, who accused him of acting as a cat's-paw of Southerners eager to extend slavery into other areas. Therefore he aroused apprehension when he pressured Great Britain to relinquish its special interests along part of the Central American coast, and even more when he tried to persuade Spain to sell Cuba.

But the most violent renewal of the storm stemmed from the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which repealed the Missouri Compromise and reopened the question of slavery in the West. This measure, the handiwork of Senator Stephen A. Douglas, grew in part out of his desire to promote a railroad from Chicago to California through Nebraska. Already Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, advocate of a southern transcontinental route, had persuaded Pierce to send James Gadsden to Mexico to buy land for a southern railroad. He purchased the area now comprising southern Arizona and part of southern New Mexico for $10,000,000.

Douglas's proposal, to organize western territories through which a railroad might run, caused extreme trouble. Douglas provided in his bills that the residents of the new territories could decide the slavery question for themselves. The result was a rush into Kansas, as southerners and northerners vied for control of the territory. Shooting broke out, and "bleeding Kansas" became a prelude to the Civil War.

By the end of his administration, Pierce could claim "a peaceful condition of things in Kansas." But, to his disappointment, the Democrats refused to renominate him, turning to the less controversial Buchanan. Pierce returned to New Hampshire, leaving his successor to face the rising fury of the sectional whirlwind. He died in 1869. US President 14th United States President. He was born in Hillsborugh, New Hampshire, to a father who served in the Revolutionary War and became its governor. Franklin Pierce's early education was at the Hancock and Francistown Academy then graduating from Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine. After graduation, he studied law under a local judge, spent two years in Law School at North Hampton, Mass, admitted to the Bar and began practice in his native town of Hillsbourgh. In a chance meeting, he met Jane Appleton, the daughter of the former President of Bowdoin College which became a tragic marriage. She was a religious eccentric who blamed all events on the wrath of god brought on my her husbands political life. Their first son died on the third day of birth and the second born three years later died of typhus and the third was killed at the age of eleven in a tragic train derailment when Franklin Pierce was the President-elect. During his one term in office, he made no cabinet changes and expressed little or no interest in the presidency. However, his administration had some achievements: A dispute involving the boundary between the United States and Mexico was settled creating the Territory of Arizona. A serious fishery question with Great Britain off the coast of Newfoundland was settled by mutual and peaceful concessions. At the termination of his term, his wife was slowly dying from tuberculosis. Pierce took her to the Caribbean and the Mediterranean for treatment. Jane Pierce was in deep depression and merely trudged about weeping while clutching her son's bible and a box with locks of hair from all three of her lost children. Life for President Pierce became even worst. He spent most of the pre-Civil war years in Europe then returned to his residence in Concord. Probably the only good occurred when his wife mercifully died and was buried beside her two sons in the Old North Cemetery in Concord. He then became as reclusive as his wife had been. The Presidents health began to decline aided by his heavy use of alcohol dying of cirrhosis of the liver at the age of 64. He lay in state in Doric Hall in Concord followed by a funeral at St. Paul's Episcopal Church and was buried beside his wife and children. Even though after his death he was virtually forgotten, His legacy shines in New England: The Pierce homestead in Hillsborough was constructed by his father the year Franklin was born. Here Daniel Webster was entertained and in the ballroom on the second floor, Franklin Pierce drilled local militia groups. The mansion is maintained and operated by the Hillsborough Historical Society. The Pierce Manse, Concord was originally located at 14 Penacock Street and was the only house ever owned and occupied by the Pierces with their two children. Threatened with demolition in 1966 it was saved and moved to a site in Concord's Historic District. The house has been restored and many of the furnishings either belonged to Pierce or other members of his family. A historic preservation group, The Brigade owns the house and maintains it as a memorial to New Hampshire's only President. The Gravesite at Old North Cemetery in Concord was refurbished and the deteriorating markers were replaced by a single granite spire with all the names inscribed. The first child was buried elsewhere at the time of death.


About Franklin Pierce

The Pierce Manse * 14 Horseshoe Pond Lane * Concord, New Hampshire * 03301 * (603) 225-4555

Franklin Pierce, son of Revolutionary War veteran and New Hampshire Governor Benjamin Pierce, was born in Hillsborough, New Hampshire in 1804. Before becoming the 14th President of the United States in 1852, he was elected to the New Hampshire State Legislature, the United States House of Representatives and the United States Senate. Pierce was the youngest Speaker of the New Hampshire Legislature and served as a Brigadier General in the Mexican War.

Accomplishments In Office
While President, Pierce reduced the national debt by 60% from $75 million to $35 million, established the office of the United States Attorney General, modernized the Army and Navy, improved relations with Canada, established trade with Japan and expanded our national borders. He kept the nation from war and was probably the most
honest and ethical president up to that time.

Družina
Franklin Pierce married Jane Appleton in 1834 and had three sons. All three of the Pierce sons died as children, a tragedy from which the President and Mrs. Pierce never fully recovered.


What the Feud and Reconciliation between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson Teaches Us About Civility

Mike Purdy is a presidential historian and the author of 101 Presidential Insults &ndash What They Really Thought About Each Other &ndash and What It Means to Us (June 7, 2019). He is also the founder of PresidentialHistory.com and a commentator on presidential history and politics for national and international media.

Donald Trump did not invent the art of the political insult but he&rsquos inflamed the level of vitriolic public discourse and incivility to a new low unmatched by other presidents. In a tainted tradition that has permeated our history, other presidents have not been immune to dishing out acerbic insults against one another.

John Quincy Adams was livid that Harvard University planned to award President Andrew Jackson with an honorary degree. He wrote in his diary that Jackson was &ldquoa barbarian who could not write a sentence of grammar and hardly could spell his own name.&rdquo

Franklin Pierce was not as impressed with Abraham Lincoln as history has been, declaring the day after Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation that the president had &ldquolimited ability and narrow intelligence.&rdquo

The list of spicy presidential insults goes on and on. While such statements are often laugh-aloud funny, they are also shocking and sobering. How can these men who have reached the pinnacle of political power be so crude and demeaning? We can learn a valuable lesson from the friendship and feud between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, and their ultimate reconciliation.

In 1775, the 32-year-old Virginia born-and-bred Jefferson traveled from his mountain-top Monticello mansion to the bustling city of Philadelphia to serve as a delegate to the Second Continental Congress.

Sometime in June that year after Jefferson arrived in the City of Brotherly Love, he met for the first time one of the most prominent and outspoken leaders of the resistance to British domination &ndash John Adams. The Massachusetts attorney was the soft-spoken Jefferson&rsquos senior by seven years. But neither their opposite personalities, age differences, or geographical distance separating their homes stood in the way of the start of a remarkable relationship that would span more than a half-century.

They forged a unique and warm partnership, both serving on the committee to draft a declaration of independence from British rule. According to Adams, Jefferson had &ldquothe reputation of a masterly pen,&rdquo and was therefore tasked with using his writing skills to draft the document. Jefferson was impressed with how Adams so powerfully defended the draft of the document on the floor of the congress, even though he thought Adams was &ldquonot graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses.&rdquo

In the 1780s, they found themselves thrown together once again as diplomats in Europe representing the newly minted United States. These collaborators and their families were friends.

But by 1796, their friendship was obliterated by the rise of political parties with starkly different visions of the new American experiment. With his election that year as the nation&rsquos second president, the Federalist Adams found himself saddled with Jefferson as his vice president representing the Democratic-Republican Party. Tensions were high between the two men.

Just three months after their inauguration as the embryonic nation&rsquos top two elected officials, Jefferson privately groused to a French diplomat that President Adams was &ldquodistrustful, obstinate, excessively vain, and takes no counsel from anyone.&rdquo Weeks later, Adams spewed out his frustration, writing in a private letter that his vice president had &ldquoa mind soured, yet seeking for popularity, and eaten to a honeycomb with ambition, yet weak, confused, uninformed, and ignorant.&rdquo

When Jefferson ousted Adams from the presidency in the election of 1800, Adams was forced to pack his bags and vacate the newly constructed Executive Mansion after just a few months. At four o&rsquoclock in the morning on March 4, 1801, Jefferson&rsquos inauguration day, the sullen Adams slipped out of the Executive Mansion without fanfare, boarded a public stage and left Washington. The streets were quiet as the president left the capital under the cover of darkness on his journey back home. He wanted nothing to do with the man who had publicly humiliated him by denying him a second term as president, nor in witnessing Jefferson&rsquos inauguration and moment of triumph.

For the next dozen years these two giants of the American revolution largely avoided one another, still nursing wounds inflicted by the poisonous partisan politics of their era. But on July 15, 1813, Adams made an overture, reaching out to his former friend and foe, writing that &ldquoyou and I ought not to die until we have explained ourselves to each other.&rdquo That letter broke the dam and began a series of remarkable letters between the two men that lasted for more than a dozen years until death claimed them both on the July 4, 1826 &ndash the 50 th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

Not all such presidential feuds have resulted in such heart-warming reconciliations. But the story of Adams and Jefferson serves as a model of what can happen when respect replaces rancor, friendships triumph over political dogma, and we allow reconciliation to emerge from the ashes of fractured friendships.

Adams and Jefferson ultimately listened to one another, explaining themselves. Listening to someone who thinks differently than we do can feel threatening and scary &ndash almost as if by listening to their thoughts we might become infected by their opinions. So we hunker down and lob snarky tweets to attack the humanity and patriotism of others, foolishly hoping such tactics will convince them to change.

But what would it look like if we could agree on core values we share in common with one another? Patriotism, a safe country, a stable society, economic well-being that promotes health, education, food, and housing, ensuring that people are treated with dignity and respect.

We could then have vigorous and civil debates about the best policies to implement our values. We won&rsquot always agree with everyone. There will be a wide diversity of opinions. But if we could &ldquoexplain ourselves&rdquo to one another, listen deeply, forge friendships, and understand the hopes and fears and humanity of others, we might actually solve some of the problems that seem so intractable in our polarized society &ndash a society that seems to thrive on extremism on both ends of the political spectrum.

Adams and Jefferson ultimately allowed their humanity and deep friendship to triumph over their politics. We can thank them and other candid and often irreverent barbs by our presidents about other presidents, because these insults cause us to reflect how we should treat one another &ndash not only in the public square, but around the family dinner table, in our marriages, and in the workplace.

Our survival as a nation depends on our ability to listen to those with very different political philosophies, to &ldquoexplain ourselves&rdquo to one another, to search for broad areas of agreement with those of different political philosophies, and to reject the acidic politics of personal demonization in which we attack the humanity or patriotism of others.


Franklin Pierce: Impact and Legacy

It could be said that Franklin Pierce had little business being President, but in a nation fragmenting over slavery, only a bland, affable political lightweight was palatable to the electorate. Yet the irony of Franklin Pierce's administration is that a man less than qualified to be President was behind one of the most far-reaching pieces of legislation in American history. Once pressured into backing the Kansas-Nebraska Act, Pierce accelerated the course towards civil war. In the 1850s, disputes over slavery were so emotionally charged that both sides sought moderate leaders. Franklin Pierce was one of these and thus became President of the United States.

Committed to a political style that emphasized party cohesion and compromise as a means of downplaying sectional differences, Pierce's leadership lacked the strength and tenacity of a Jackson or a Lincoln. As a result, tumultuous events simply overwhelmed him, and he was sometimes dominated by forceful politicians like Stephen Douglas. For most historians, Pierce is viewed as an inept chief executive whose traditional style of leadership failed in the face of the massive electoral divisions over slavery and the aggressiveness of Southerners. But other Presidents were unable to solve these issues, short of war. And from that war came two worthwhile results—the emancipation of the slaves and the restoration of the Union. Still, Franklin Pierce serves as an example of why difficult times require forceful leadership that is sensitive to issues both of change and continuity.


Plymouth Notch, Vt.

Birthplace of Calvin Coolidge, one of several presidential houses in Plymouth Notch.

Calvin Coolidge’s birthplace is such a throwback to the way Vermont used to be that some people call it “Vermont’s Brigadoon.” Coolidge cannily used it as a backdrop to hone his image as a thrifty Yankee.

Coolidge was actually sworn in as president of the United States while vacationing at his boyhood home in Plymouth Notch, Vt.

His father, a notary, swore him in at 2:47 a.m. on Aug. 3, 1923, hours after President Warren G. Harding died.

Coolidge often visited his family home, a modest white frame farmhouse in the classic New England style of big house, little house, back house, barn.

The Secret Service detail assigned to him slept in tents on the property and a dance hall nearby served as his office in the summer of 1924.

Today Coolidge’s birthplace and surrounding buildings comprise the Calvin Coolidge Homestead District, which includes the Cilley General Store, the Post Office, the Wilder Restaurant (serving lunch), the church, several barns, the dance hall and the Plymouth Cheese factory. For more information click here.


Poglej si posnetek: Пирс, Франклин (Januar 2023).

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