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Nova sinagoga

Nova sinagoga

Nova sinagoga v Berlinu je bila prvotno zgrajena med letoma 1859 in 1866, z mavrskimi vzorci, ki jih je ustvaril nemški arhitekt Eduard Knoblauch. Danes se sinagoga uporablja kot muzej, Centrum Judaicum, vendar je bila v svojih aktivnih letih največji judovski bogoslužni prostor v Nemčiji in ostaja pomembno mesto za judovsko zgodovino. Eden od razlogov za priljubljenost sinagoge je njen arhitekturni slog. Predstavljen naj bi bil za vzhodno mavrsko arhitekturo, Knoblauch pa očitno navdihuje zgodovinsko trdnjavo Alhambra v Andaluziji v Španiji. Zunanjost je okrašena s opeko iz terakote, velika osrednja kupola in dve stranski kupoli pa se ponašata s čudovitimi pozlačenimi detajli.

Med gradnjo je bil glavni namen sinagoge sprejem vse večjega števila judovskega prebivalstva v Berlinu. Zaradi tega je velika osrednja dvorana lahko imela 3200 ljudi in je bila pogosto uporabljena za glasbene dogodke. Stavba je bila simbol takratne močne judovske skupnosti v Berlinu in kljub poskusom v času Kristallnachta (pogrom nad nemškimi in avstrijskimi Judi od 9. do 10. novembra 1938) zapreti sinagogo, je ostala aktivna do leta 1940, preden je bila hudo poškodovan pri zavezniškem bombardiranju leta 1943.

Po obnovi med letoma 1988 in 1991 je sinagoga leta 1995 odprla svoja vrata kot dom muzeja Centrum Judaicum. Zelo informativna, stalna muzejska razstava "Open Ye The Gates" raziskuje bogato zgodbo o sinagogi z uporabo edinstvenih zgodovinskih dokumentov. in večpredstavnostne zaslone, ki predstavljajo življenje judovskih častilcev v tem obdobju zgodovine Berlina. Obiskovalci lahko raziskujejo tudi veliko kupolo sinagoge.


115 Nova cesta in nekdanja sinagoga New Road

Skladišče na tem mestu in skladišče št. 113 do leta 1817 je bilo nadomeščeno z navadnimi trinadstropnimi trgovinami, verjetno postavljenimi leta 1851 za Duler in Giles na Lemanovi ulici in se lahko razširilo na št. 117–119. Okoli leta 1950 je Nisar Ali odprl restavracijo na številki 113, ki se je imenovala Veliki Tajmahal, nato pa okoli leta 1980 indijsko restavracijo Jhorna Tandoori. Sredi osemdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja je bila številka 113 obnovljena pod dolgo streho, številka 115 pa je bila obrnjena. 1

Z zadnje strani 115 New Road je dostop do stavbe, ki je bila sinagoga New Road. Zgrajena v letih 1891–2 na zadnji strani velike parcele prostih zemljišč (117–121 Nova cesta in zadnje stavbe so bile očiščene v osemdesetih letih 20. stoletja), se je raztezala proti severu proti jugu in ležala za številkami 113–119. Njegovi izvori so iz dveh Fieldgate Street hevros (molitveni krogi), večinoma ljudje poljskega porekla, katerih prostori so bili obsojeni. Združili so se skozi Zvezo sinagog, ki jo je leta 1887 ustanovil Samuel Montagu, bankir in poslanec liberalca za Whitechapel, da bi pripomogli k konsolidaciji malih minyanim (molitvena kvora) v večje kongregacije. Načrte je pripravil Lewis Solomon, arhitekt federacije, kar je bila zgodnja priložnost za zagotovitev "vzorčne" namensko zgrajene sinagoge East End. 99-letni najem je bil Federaciji nemudoma zastavljen prek višjih kongregacij: Jacoba Singerja, trgovca s krznom Wolf Weberja na ulici 5 Greenfield Street, čevljara Mile End in David Silverberga, trgovca iz Dalstona. Graditelj je bil William Reason iz St John Street, Clerkenwell. Od stroškov gradnje v višini 1350 funtov je približno 400 funtov prišlo iz hevros, ostalo je prispevala zveza, v resnici pa najverjetneje sam Montagu. V opaznem zbliževanju v tem, kar je bilo bodeče razmerje med federacijo in bolj uveljavljeno anglo-judovsko združeno sinagogo, je predsednik Združenih držav, lord Rothschild, ob odprtju nove ceste postavil temeljni spomenik-"Bog reši kraljico" «(Viktorijin rojstni dan je bil) so peli v hebrejščini.

Nova cesta je bila kljub zataknjenim razmeram ena izmed ambicioznejših in arhitekturno značilnih sinagog Whitechapela, čeprav primerno nezahtevna. Notranjost je bila osvetljena s svetilko in je bila od zgoraj prezračevana skozi okrasno dodelano streho kraljice, ki ostaja nedotaknjena. V pritličju in galeriji na treh straneh je bilo prostora za več kot 300 častilcev (500 naj bi jih bilo). Presenetljivo je, da je bila skrinja v novozgrajeni sinagogi, čeprav na omejenem mestu, na severni steni. Leta 1955 so novo cestno sinagogo obnovili iz denarja, ki je prišel v federacijo zaradi vojne škode in naročil za obvezne nakupe. Vendar se je kongregacija zmanjšala in sinagoga se je leta 1974 zaprla, združila z osrednjo sinagogo v vzhodnem Londonu, Nelson Street. Temeljni kamen so odstranili v knjižnico Whitechapel in od tam v londonski metropolitanski arhiv. Prodana stavba je postala oblačilna delavnica za enega bangladeškega proizvajalca. Poleg strešnega prostora je bila rekonstruirana notranjost, vključno z galerijami. 2

Nacionalni arhiv (TNA), C13/2777/49: Londonski metropolitanski arhiv (LMA), Kolaž okrožnih geodetov (DSR) 119234: Krajevnozgodovinska knjižnica in arhiv Tower Hamlets, P04845: Zemljevidi Goad, 1890: Imeniki pošt   &# 8617

LMA, ACC/2893/315/001–6 ACC/2943/046 DSR: Goad: Zemljevidi raziskovanja bojnih strelov: zapisnik sveta okrožja Londona, 23. december 1891, str. 1344 26. januar 1892, str. 57: Judovska kronika, 15. januar 1892, str. 15. 27. maj 1892, str. 15: Dnevna grafika, 26. maja 1892: Oglaševalec East London, 28. maja 1892, 25. oktobra 1974: TNA, IR58/84798/1517: William J. Fishman,Ulice vzhodnega Londona, 1979, str. 92: Geoffrey Alderman, Zveza sinagog, 1887–1987, 1987, str. 24,100,114: Judy Glasman, „Londonske sinagoge v poznem devetnajstem stoletju: oblikovanje v kontekstu“, London Journal, letn. 13/2, 1988, str. 151-3: Sharman Kadish, Britanske in irske sinagoge, 2011, str. 153: Aplikacije za načrtovanje Tower Hamlets na spletu   ↩


Zgodovina

Le zelo malo sinagog na svetu ima tako obsežno zgodovino, kot je znamenita stara nova sinagoga v Pragi. Je najstarejša delujoča sinagoga v Evropi in njena zgodovina sega v drugo polovico 13. stoletja, ko se ni imenovala staro-nova, ampak samo nova sinagoga. Prvotna stara sinagoga se je nahajala na ulici Dušní, zgrajena na prelomu med 11. in 12. stoletje in je bila porušena leta 1867. Po rušenju prvotne stare sinagoge, ki jo zdaj nadomešča španska sinagoga, so novo sinagogo preimenovali. na njeno trenutno ime.
Nova sinagoga je postopoma postala središče življenja judovske skupnosti v Pragi. Bližnje staro judovsko pokopališče je bilo zgrajeno v istem obdobju kot staro-nova sinagoga. Okoli sinagoge so bili ustvarjeni prostori, ki so skozi leta služili za različne namene, zlasti kot tržnica ali kraj, kjer so si perili ljudje z bližnjih ulic.


Je judovski delij nova sinagoga?

New York Jewish Week preko JTA - Ali sociologi in voditelji skupnosti iščejo ameriški judovstvo na vseh napačnih mestih?

Rachel B. Gross trdi, da preveč študij skupnosti in njihovi avtorji vidijo judaizem v upadu, ker merijo obisk sinagog, obrede in drugo tradicionalno vedenje in "ne vidijo njegovega razcveta v nekonvencionalnih verskih ustanovah, kot so muzeji in restavracije".

V svoji novi knjigi "Onkraj sinagoge: judovska nostalgija kot verska praksa" (NYU Press) Gross preučuje štiri področja, na katerih Judje najdejo "verski pomen in izkušnje ... v navidezno nereligioznih okoljih": v rodoslovnih raziskavah, v judovskem jeziku muzeji, v judovskem kulinarično -preporodnem gibanju in v otroških knjigah, ki jih je neprofitna knjižnica PJ poslala mladim družinam.

Vsa štiri območja praznujejo ameriško, aškenazijsko priseljensko izkušnjo, ki z nostalgijo goji Jude, ki »ustvarjalno raziskujejo in širijo ameriško judovsko versko življenje, hkrati pa se produktivno, ljubeče in hrepeneče ukvarjajo s svojo preteklostjo«.

Gross, docent in katedra John & amp Marcia Goldman za ameriške judovske študije na državni univerzi v San Franciscu, je govorila za The Jewish Week iz svojega doma v San Franciscu. Ta intervju je bil urejen zaradi dolžine in jasnosti.

Naj najprej rečem, da je to morda moja najljubša tema, in tudi če se ne strinjam s tabo, ne bi raje govoril o ničemer drugem kot o ameriški judovski materialni kulturi in ljudski veri. Ob tem je zapisano: Vaša knjiga nasprotuje enemu načinu razmišljanja o judovščini in veri in zagovarja drug način razmišljanja.

Jaz sem. Nasprotujem kopici stvari. Eno je res ozko razumevanje ameriške judovske vere, vezane na dedne institucije, kot so sinagoge, federacije in JCC. Ozko razmišljanje o judovski veri, zlasti kot storitvah sinagoge, je voditelje ameriških judovskih skupnosti in nekatere znanstvenike pripeljalo do upada ameriške judovske vere. In jaz, ki temelji na delu številnih znanstvenikov na področju verouka, religijo vidim res na široko. O religiji razmišljam kot o stvareh, ki so za ljudi pomembne in jih postavljajo v smiselne pogovore s svojo skupnostjo, in o stvareh, ki vzpostavljajo resnično svete odnose med ljudmi, božanskimi in predniki - celo vrsto svetih odnosov in mrež. In ko na ta način razmišljamo o veri, nam lahko razširimo obseg in vidimo, da ameriška judovska vera uspeva na mestih, na katera se voditelji ameriških judovskih skupnosti niso v veliki meri osredotočili. Pravzaprav začnemo opažati tudi nove vrste voditeljev judovske skupnosti.

Govorimo o enem od teh krajev: o muzeju na ulici Eldridge Street, znameniti sinagogi na spodnji vzhodni strani, ki se je kot muzej ohranila od leta 1986. Kako muzej daje pomene, odnose in skupnost na načine, ki jih opisujete?

To je bila prva zgradba sinagoge, ki so jo vzhodnoevropski judovski priseljenci na spodnji vzhodni strani zgradili od temelja. V tej stavbi se še vedno sestaja občina. To je pravljično velika stavba. Ima zelo majhno občino, ki se tam še vedno sestaja. Deluje pa predvsem kot muzej, drugi ljudje pa so si nagnjeni k ogledu tovrstnega prostora in rekli, no, saj gre za majhno skupščino, ki se je v 20. stoletju zmanjševala in ker je muzej, očitno vera izginja.

In rekel sem, kaj se pravzaprav dogaja, ko se ta prostor uporablja kot muzej? No, imamo zaposlene, prostovoljce in obiskovalce, ki tukaj ustvarijo skupnost na podlagi smiselnih odnosov med seboj in z zgodovino tega kraja. Nekateri od teh odnosov so dolgotrajni in trajni, nekateri pa so lahko kratki ali pa se obiskovalci za trenutek le oglasijo. Toda ljudje imajo s tem prostorom res globok in čustven odnos in jih učijo, kako se počutiti na poseben način. In mislim, da je to čustvo najbolje razumeti kot religijo in mislim, da ga je najbolje razumeti kot nostalgijo za resnično posebno pripovedjo ameriške judovske zgodovine. Ta občutek je res pomemben in resno bi morali vzeti načine, kako Judje ustvarjajo, spodbujajo in poučujejo to pripoved.

Nostalgija ima pogosto negativne konotacije. Karte bom dal na mizo in rekel, da me skrbi, da nostalgija gleda nazaj v neko zlato dobo judovskega življenja, namesto da bi rekel, veste kaj, tako v tem trenutku gradimo judovski pomen.

O nostalgiji razmišljam kot o sentimentalnem hrepenenju po nepreklicni preteklosti. To je posebna vrsta čustvenega odnosa s preteklostjo. In ena od mnogih stvari, proti katerim se zagovarjam v tej knjigi, je, da na nostalgijo gledamo le kot na negativno. Prvič, čustven odnos do preteklosti daje pomen v sedanjosti in lahko ustvari skupnost v sedanjosti. Če imamo vsi skupni občutek o preteklosti, nas bo to povezalo v sedanjosti. Zagotovil bo pomen na individualni ravni, na ravni družine in na nekakšni širši ravni skupnosti.

Razmišljanje o preteklosti in resnično občutek, ki nam pomaga, artikuliramo svoje vrednote tudi za prihodnost. Mislim, da ne gleda samo nazaj.

Toda Eldridge Street je dobesedno muzej. To je stavba, ki gosti dogodke v življenjskem ciklu, kot so poroke in b'nai mitzvah, vendar to ni občina, ki ustvarja skupnosti otrok in parov ter starešin in žalujočih.

Prvič, ljudje, ki delajo v muzejih, in znanstveniki na področju muzeologije že dolgo trdijo, da so muzeji mesta žive in stalne skupnosti.

To so kraji, kjer najdemo skupnost, ker so izrecno kraji, kjer pripovedujemo svoje zgodbe, in lahko uresničimo, kaj pomeni biti ameriški Žid. Kot ste poudarili, gostijo dogodke v življenjskem ciklu. Ampak mislim, da to ni stranski produkt. To so popolni kraji, kjer lahko vključimo našo zgodbo, kjer jo lahko artikuliramo na ravni posameznika, družine in skupnosti - pa naj gre za turnejo ali dogodek v življenjskem ciklu.

In morda dogodki v življenjskem ciklu niso edini način, da postanete Žid ali merilo, da ste Žid. Sem humanistka in humanistiki se pogosto upirajo družboslovcem. To je produktivno nesoglasje in drug drugega spremljava. Zavračam načine, na katere so družboslovci merili ameriške Jude, kar je imelo veliko vlogo pri načinih, kako se ameriški Judje financirajo, organizirajo in razmišljajo o sebi. Videl sem, da je zelo malo teh študij vprašalo: Kako pogosto ste bili na muzejski razstavi? Zdi se, da je to ena redkih stvari, ki jih ameriški Judje počnejo po verski pripadnosti, in na to gledam.

Preučujete ljudi, ki v ameriški judovski kuhinji najdejo globok pomen, od gibanja nove judovske hrane do obrtniških jedi v judovskem slogu.

Klasična kritika s strani družboslovja je ta, da je "jugelizem-in-lox judaizem" končni simbol sentimentalne, plitke povezave z judovstvom. Kako ljudje v vaši študiji odkrivajo pomen na načine, ki so veliko "debelejši" in pomembnejši, kot so jim bili pripisani?

Iskreno, nikoli nisem razumel te kritike o »Juhih bagel-lox«. Velik del judovske identitete se vseskozi ukvarja s hrano, ker je hrana način, na katerega ljudje ustvarjajo skupnosti in pripovedujejo svoje zgodbe. Zamisel, da je hrana pomembna le za Jude, ki se sicer ne ukvarjajo z judovskim življenjem, se zdi neumna dihotomija. Seveda je zaskrbljujoče, da bodo ljudje, ki ne bodo hodili v sinagogo, hodili samo v delije. Eno od stvari, ki jih opozarjam, je, da pogosto počnejo tudi druge stvari - morda greste v delikateso, morda v muzej in se ukvarjate z različnimi oblikami judovske kulture.

Pri preučevanju obrtniških judovskih jedi in temu, čemur pravim judovska kulinarična oživitev, se osredotočam predvsem na restavratorje in produkcijsko stran. Ti ljudje gledajo na judovski prehrambeni obrat - tradicionalne judovske delikatese - in pravijo: »To ne odraža naših vrednot. Vnesti želimo naše vrednote trajnosti in se osredotočiti na lokalno hrano. To čutimo kot judovska vprašanja in želimo posodobiti delikatese ter se vključiti v to čustveno povezavo s preteklostjo, vendar izrecno vnesti naše vrednote za sedanjost in prihodnost. "

To je tako dober primer načina, kako je lahko nostalgija razmišljanje naprej. To delo opravljajo izrecno z ustvarjanjem čustvene in oprijemljive povezave s preteklostjo.

Velik del judovske identitete se vseskozi ukvarja s hrano, ker je hrana način, na katerega ljudje ustvarjajo skupnosti in pripovedujejo svoje zgodbe.

Kar se tiče njihovih pokroviteljev: Za veliko ameriških Judov je to, da gredo v delikateso in razmišljajo o tem, kdaj so z družino hodili v delikateso, ali o hrani, ki jo je pripravila njihova babica - to je lahko zelo pomembno trenutek. Pomembni judovski verski trenutki niso le tisti, ki so veliki in oznanjeni. Ti vsakdanji trenutki so pomembni deli našega življenja.

In vendar so ti delisi komercialni podvigi. Ali ni lepota religije, da je nekako ločena od imperativa trga? Čeprav tudi ko to rečem, vem, da morate zbrati sredstva, če želite zgraditi shul ali zaračunati članstvo.

Vse je odvisno od denarja in pravzaprav je vse odvisno od materialne kulture, ki je akademski izraz za stvari. Mislim, da je napačno razmišljati o veri kot o "višjih stvareh", ločenih od materialnega sveta, v katerem živimo.

Zanima me, kako deluje religija v resničnem življenju resničnih ljudi. In to skozi trgovino in to skozi materialne dobrine. V fizičnem svetu smo fizična bitja.

Kritični ste do načina, kako so »kontinuiteto« uporabljali družboslovci in voditelji skupnosti, ki prepogosto merijo judovski »uspeh« in pomen v smislu plodnosti in zakonske zveze. Toda to ne pomeni, da ljudi - na primer mene - res ne skrbi, kaj bodo njihovi otroci počeli kot Judje in njihovi otroci za njimi. Ali ljudje na vaših štirih raziskovalnih področjih razmišljajo o tem, kako se njihov način židovstva prenaša na drugo generacijo?

Poglejte, mislim, da je ameriška judovska skupnost neskončno ustvarjalna. To trdim v tej knjigi. Ameriški Judje ustvarjajo skupnosti na nove in ustvarjalne načine, in to počnemo zdaj. Vsaka od mojih štirih študij primera izrecno govori o ustvarjanju povezav s preteklostjo, sedanjostjo in poučevanju otrok. Ogledal sem si knjige, ki jih je razdelila knjižnica PJ, za katero menim, da je najpomembnejša in resnično premalo raziskana judovska organizacija.

Tako so vplivni, ker pridejo v res najbolj nežne intimne družinske trenutke ljudi. Izrecno se želijo srečati z vami pred spanjem, z vašimi otroki in učiti določene pripovedi vaših otrok, pa tudi vas. Gre za ustvarjanje družinskih struktur in pripovedi.

Knjižnica PJ je zainteresirana tako za to, da ljudi pripelje v podedovane judovske ustanove in jim pomaga pri ustvarjanju novih mrež. Pripovedujejo vzhodnoevropske judovske priseljenske zgodbe in v to zgodbo pritegnejo ljudi. Mislim, da res skrbno razmišljajo o idejah kontinuitete in menijo, da so te zgodbe eden od načinov za ustvarjanje judovske kontinuitete. Vsekakor so te nostalgične zgodbe načini prenosa določenih vrednot na prihodnje generacije.

Ali obstaja razlika med vero in ustvarjanjem pomena? V svojem življenju počnemo veliko pomembnih stvari. S svojim ukvarjanjem z umetnostjo dobim veliko pomena, vendar se to zdi ločeno od religije, ki govori o svetem in urejanju časa ter izmenjavi besedil in obredih.

Zadovoljen sem s široko opredelitvijo vere. Zagotovo nisem prvi učenjak ameriške vere, ki je to storil. Mislim pa, da to, kar gledam v tej knjigi, so prakse, ki nam pomagajo umestiti se v velike, svete pripovedi. Ta zgodba o vzhodnoevropskem priseljevanju je velika, sveta pripoved, ki jo povemo sami sebi, in to so prakse, ki jih uporabljajo ameriški Judje, da se umestijo v to zgodbo. To je res analogno načinu, na katerega ameriški Judje pripovedujejo zgodbo o pashi in rečejo "bil sem pri eksodusu" in drug drugemu povem, da bi se morali počutiti, kot da je to vaša zgodba, kot da bi bili v njej.

To počnejo ameriški Judje z zgodbo o vzhodnoevropskem judovskem priseljevanju. Ameriški Judje se s praksami, ki jih naštejem, učijo, kako se umestiti v to pripoved.

Judaizem tradicionalno vključuje obveznosti in razlike. Košer ne obdržim samo zaradi tradicije, ampak zato, ker se to večkrat na dan sreča z nizom vrednot, zaradi katerih se ustavim in rečem: "To jem, ne pa kaj drugega, ker sem Žid." Ali je to isto pojmovanje mogoče v sendviču s pastrami, ki ga lahko dobite kjer koli, ali v otroški knjigi, ki se nanaša na to, kako so drugi ljudje izvajali judovstvo na Spodnji vzhodni strani, vendar potrošniku ne daje nujno drugih obveznosti?

Tudi v delisih, ki jih gledam, ki niso košer, pravijo da, to so naše judovske vrednote, izrecno, na primer spoštovanje zemlje in spoštovanje delavcev ter spoštovanje živali. To so judovske vrednote in se združujejo, kar jih s kuhinjo povezuje s predniki. Združevanje vseh teh stvari je zanje sveta obveznost.

Ko pomislim na nostalgijo v tej knjigi, mislim, da jo je najbolje razumeti kot micvo. Pomislite, kako ameriški Judje uporabljajo besedo mitzvah. Uporabljamo ga tako za sveto zapoved ali obveznost kot dobro dejanje. Ljudje, ki jih gledam, čutijo različne vrste obveznosti do svojih skupnosti v sedanjosti in preteklosti in mislim tudi v prihodnost.

Ne vem, ali si sploh želite, toda ali dobivate mesto pri tistih mizah, kjer judovski voditelji in komunalni delavci razmišljajo o teh vprašanjih, na primer pomagajo pri pisanju študije prebivalstva ali predlagajo skupnostne prioritete?

V svetu judovske družboslovja se vse bolj spreminjajo in vse bolj so pozorni na načine proučevanja Judov, za katere menim, da so pomembni. In mislim, da mnogi med nami v akademskih judovskih študijah zunaj sociologije vse bolj izvajamo ta pritisk. Ne vem, ali je moj cilj, da končam na študijski komisiji skupnosti. Mislim, da je v redu, če se vsi ne strinjajo z mano, če pa jih nagovorim, da malo bolj razmislijo o svojem vsakdanjem življenju in institucijah, ki so jih oblikovale, bom vesel.

Je ta morska sprememba delno ali celo večinoma generacijska?

Stara sem 35 let. Mislim, da se generacijske razlike delijo. Ljudje, ki jih gledam v tej knjigi, so vseh starosti. Načini, kako ameriški Judje izvajajo nostalgijo, se lahko skozi življenje spremenijo - upokojenci imajo na primer pogosto več časa za genealoške raziskave - vendar vsaka študija primera v moji knjigi vključuje ljudi vseh starosti.

Obstaja akademska generacijska stvar, kar seveda ne pomeni nujno starosti. Moja generacija judovskih študentov in veroučevalcev gradi na pomembnem delu naših predhodnikov in vsakdanje življenje resno jemlje na nove načine ter postavlja nova vprašanja o ameriški judovski veri.

Všeč mi je, kako moj kolega Marc Dollinger govori o svojem delu, kar pomeni, da ni naloga akademikov le zavračati generacije, ki so bile prej, ampak reči: "Poglejte, niso dobili popolne slike, «In k pogovoru lahko prispevamo na nove načine.

Stališča in mnenja, izražena v tem članku, so avtorjeva in ne odražajo nujno stališč družbe JTA ali njene matične družbe, 70 Faces Media.


Organizacija

Sodni

"Sinove sinagoge" je vodil svet, imenovan b ê. d în, "hiša pravičnosti" oz sonce & eacutedrion »koncil« (prečrkovan, sanhedrin) oz veselo, "svet". Člani tega sveta so bili triindvajset v večjih mestih, sedem v manjših in so bili poklicani & rsquo & aacuterchontes, »vladarji« (Matej 9:18, 23) Luka 8:41), oz presb & uacuteteroi, »starodavni« (Luka 7: 3). "Poglavarji sinagoge" so imeli v svoji moči, da kaznujejo z izobčenjem, bičevanjem in smrtjo. (a) Izločitev iz sinagogalne skupnosti se je imenovala tukaj, , & rsquoan & aacutethema, (glejte NATHEMA). Tako hebrejska kot grška beseda pomenita, da je predmet "sveti" ali "preklet" (prim. Arabščina h & aacuter îm, harem, svetišče žensk v gospodinjstvu ali mošeja skupnosti). (b) Bičevanje (, prim. Makkoth, III, 12 mastig in oacuten, prim. Matej 10:17 23:34 d & eacutero,, prim. Marko 13: 9 Apostolska dela 22:19) je bilo devetindvajset črt (Makkoth, III, 10 2 Korinčanom 11:24), ki jih je položil "služabnik sinagoge", hazzan, & lsquouper & eacutetes, za manjše prekrške. Trije starešine so sestavili sodišče, pristojno za kaznovanje bičevanja. Na tem manjšem sodišču bo verjetno naš Gospod rekel: "Kdor je jezen na svojega brata, mu grozi sodba", & rsquo & eacutenochos & rsquo & eacutestai te kr ísei (Matej 5:22). (c) Sanhedrin je na celotni seji triindvajsetih starešin izrekel smrtno kazen (prim. Sanhedrin I, 4). Na to kazen ali na izločitev bi se verjetno morali sklicevati besede našega Gospoda: "In kdor koli reče svojemu bratu, Raca, bo v nevarnosti za svet", & rsquo & eacutenochos & rsquo & eacutestai to sunedr ío (Matej 5:22).

Liturgično

"Vladar sinagoge" (Marko 5:22, 35, 36 ,, 38 Luka 8:49 13:14 Apostolska dela 13:15 18: 8, 17), r & ocircsh h & aacutekkenes & eacuteth (Sota, VII, 7) je vodil sinagogo in njene službe. To predsedstvo ni preprečilo "sinovom sinagoge", da prosto opravljajo svojo funkcijo. Pričajte svobodi, s katero sta naš Gospod in sveti Pavel vstala, da bi razlagala Sveto pismo v različnih sinagogah Palestine in diaspore. The hazzan, »služabnik«, bralcem izročil zvitke in učil otroke.


Sinagoga na območju: Kmetijska kolonija, ki je pripeljala judovske priseljence v Kolorado

Cotopaxi, Colorado, je nekorporativno mesto, približno 25 milj jugovzhodno od Salide. Ta majhna skupnost v dolini reke Zgornji Arkansas, ki obsega 183 hektarjev in ima približno 47 prebivalcev, ima splošno trgovino, bencinsko črpalko in nič več. Toda pred skoraj 140 leti Cotopaxi ni bil počivališče, ampak destinacija za 63 ruskih judovskih priseljencev, ki iščejo novo življenje na Zahodu.

Kaj je zapuščina te judovske kmečke skupnosti? In zakaj se o njenih podrobnostih še danes razpravlja? KUNC -jeva Alana Schreiber se je pogovarjala z dvema profesorjema z univerze v Denverju, dr. Jeanne Abrams in Adamom Rovnerjem ter potomcem enega ključnih akterjev te zgodbe, Milesa Saltiela. Raziskujejo pomen kolonije Cotopaxi in njen vpliv na Kolorado v prihodnjih letih.

Ta zgodba je bila urejena zaradi dolžine in jasnosti.

Adam Rovner: Leta 1882, po carskem umoru, so Judje široko krivili za spodbujanje revolucionarnega protizahodnega razpoloženja v Rusiji. Bilo je veliko antisemitskih napadov, imenovanih pogromi. In glede na tovrstno zatiranje in nasilje se Judje v velikem številu začnejo priseljevati v ZDA.

Jeanne Abrams: Približno leta 1880 je bilo v Združenih državah le okoli 250.000 Judov. Hebrejsko društvo za pomoč priseljencem je poskušalo razbremeniti nekaj zastojev v velikih mestnih središčih s pošiljanjem ljudi po vsej državi.

Alana Schreiber: Toda za prihod po vsej državi so ti judovski priseljenci potrebovali sponzorja.

Rovner: Obstaja ta gospod po imenu Emmanuel Saltiel. Bil je Britanec, bil je Sefardski Žid in našel je pot iz Anglije v ZDA. Morda je bil ali pa ni bil del vojske Unije, preden je med državljansko vojno postal del konfederacijske vojske. Ujet je bil, zaprt je in prostovoljno je služil sindikatu in tej svobodi iz zapora. Tako se je odpravil v južni Kolorado, kjer je postal delni lastnik tega rudnika cinka. In ima ta filantropski projekt za ponovno naselitev revnih Judov na Divji zahod.

Schreiber: Ko pa so prišli v Cotopaxi, naseljenci niso ravno spoznali novih hiš in rodovitne zemlje, ki so jim bile obljubljene.

Rovner: V bistvu barake iz katrana in jih ni dovolj. Imate suho in skalnato zemljo. To ni kraj, kjer lahko požete veliko pridelka.

Schreiber: Toda kljub izzivom so naseljenci še vedno našli načine, kako ohraniti svojo judovsko dediščino.

Abrams: Njihovo versko življenje je uspevalo. Preden so celo poslali na HEAS po kmečke pripomočke, so prosili zvitek Tore. Zgradili so svojo osnovno sinagogo. Ko pa so prinesli tisti svitek Tore, je bilo z velikim veseljem in velikim praznovanjem.

Schreiber: Kljub temu so morali zaslužiti. In ker zemlja ni bila zrela za kmetovanje, so bile njihove možnosti omejene.

Rovner: Zmanjšali so se na delo za Saltiela v njegovem rudniku. Imel pa je tudi to trgovsko podjetje in ljudje niso imeli denarja, priseljenci. Tako so bili dolžni podjetniški trgovini. V bistvu so bili podobni služabnikom v zadolžitvi.

Schreiber: Po dveh letih življenja v grozljivih razmerah do junija 1884 se je kolonija Cotopaxi uradno razpadla. Judovski priseljenci so se večinoma preselili v Denver in druga bližnja mesta. Kar se tiče Emmanuela Saltiela, je umrl brez denarja, njegova dediščina je bila v veliki meri omalovažena.

Rovner: Verjamem, da je imel iskreno željo pomagati tem bednim ljudem, svojim judovskim bratom. Toda po drugi strani je bil verjetno vsaj zgrešen. Če ni bil zunanji kriminalec, je bil gotovo malce prevaran. Zgodba o Saltielu je dobila drugo življenje zaradi njegovega daljnega sorodnika Milesa Saltiela.

Schreiber: Miles Saltiel. Je nekdanji investicijski bankir, rojen in odraščen v Angliji, ki je povsem po naključju naletel na zgodbo o Cotopaxiju. Poleti 1970 je bil na potovanju po ZDA, ko se je ustavil v restavraciji v Walsenburgu v Koloradu.

Miles Saltiel: In eden od mojih spremljevalcev mi je rekel: "Hej, Miles, tvoje ime se pojavi v tej zgodbi v časopisu Pueblo Star Journal." In to je bila zgodba o soimenjaku Emmanuelu Saltielu. Pot se je končala, vrnil sem se v Veliko Britanijo in vprašal svojo družino, kako je ta tip povezan z mano?

Schreiber: Pravzaprav je bil človek v sorodu z njim, čeprav zelo oddaljeno. Ko pa se je Miles v 90. letih vrnil v Kolorado, da bi pomagal pri filmu o Cotopaxiju, ga je motila upodobitev njegovega prednika.

Saltiel: To je bila zame precej neprijetna izkušnja. Vleklo me je v družbo ljudi, ki so Emmanuela Saltiela v bistvu imeli za slabega klobuka. In nisem imel prave podlage, da bi temu oporekal. In tudi meni se je zdelo, da so v zgodbi luknje.

Schreiber: Ni res, da je Miles verjel, da je bil Emmanuel nekakšen junak, vendar se mu je zdelo, da ni dovolj dokazov, ki bi ga odločno obsodili. Zato se je s tem problemom divjega zahoda soočil z rešitvijo divjega zahoda: nagrado za zgodovinske dokumente.

Saltiel: Na primer, ljudje so govorili o peticiji proti Saltielu. Zdaj se Saltiel sklicuje na to peticijo, lažno obrekovalno peticijo, pravi. Rad bi videl to peticijo. Rad bi videl, na kaj se ti fantje pritožujejo.

Schreiber: Toda kljub temu, da je leta 2015 dodal nagrade v skupni vrednosti 25.000 dolarjev, se ni oglasil nihče.

Saltiel: Nihče ni stopil v stik z mano, prav nihče. In mislim, da če bi bilo kaj takega, bi se to moralo zgoditi. Po drugi strani pa je to nekaj let kasneje. Poskusimo znova. Hej, tolpa, bonitete so tam.

Schreiber: Dokler ti dokumenti manjkajo in so nagrade izčrpane, se bo Saltielova zapuščina izpodbijala. Ne glede na to pa se lahko o eni stvari strinjajo skoraj vsi. Kolonija Cotopaxi je bila veliko več kot kmečki neuspeh.

Abrams: Na Cotopaxi na koncu rad gledam kot na zgodbo o uspehu. V Cotopaxiju so bili vsekakor izzivi glede na fizične okoliščine in ostre zime. But what it did do was help really hone their leadership skills. So most of them did indeed stay in Colorado and many of them went on to become successful leaders.

Rovner: Denver was founded in 1864 on the back of a gold rush. The Jewish community was here from the beginning of that city. There's probably not a city in the United States that, from its founding, had such an impact made by Jewish Americans and Jewish immigrant Americans. But a lot of people don't realize that because Colorado is not perceived as being a center for Jewish history, but it really is.

Schreiber: And when it comes to acknowledging the true significance of the colony, even Miles agrees.

Saltiel: There was a period where it was a bit of a stone in my shoe. I felt, poor old Emmanuel, he wasn't getting a fair crack of the whip. If there's something I could do to help the poor old chap out, I'd like to do that. But I absolutely don't want to take away from the heroism of the colonists on that plateau. That's the pioneering story. And it's a great story. And what their descendants made of their lives is what one hopes for out of the American dream.

Schreiber: But if you happen to have one of the Cotopaxi historical documents, you know who to call, because you might just collect a bounty.

This conversation is part of KUNC’s Colorado Edition for June 8. You can find the full episode here.


Berlin: ‘New Synagogue’ Celebrates 25th Anniversary of Reopening

For many reasons, Berlin’s New Synagogue is a very special building. First of all, its beauty is undeniable. Also, it is of high importance to Berlin’s Jews as well as their history. And it survived the Nazis.

There was an ‘Old Synagogue’ in Berlin’s ‘Heidereutergasse’ in the 1850s, when the number of Jews in the congregation grew substantially. Back then, the situation called for a new synagogue. In 1856, the congregation purchased a property in ‘Oranienburger Strasse’, located in a very Jewish neighborhood. It seemed to be just the right place for the project.

Completed in 1866

It was the spring of 1857, when a commission headed by Eduard Knoblauch started an architecture competition for a new synagogue. None of the entries were convincing, which is why Knoblauch ended up designing and planning the temple himself. Friedrich August Stüler took over when Knoblauch became too ill to continue.

On May 20th, 1859, the construction commenced. The New Synagogue was completed seven years later, on September 5th, 1866, which was Rosh Hashana, the Jewish New Year’s day. It turned out to be impressive and beautiful, both its interior and its appearance from the outside. In fact is was so impressive and exotic, regarding its style, that even some Jews complained. They said the temple would not help the integration of Jews into society.

Fontane Liked New Synagogue

But most Jews were happy about the New Synagogue, the costs for which had sextupled during the construction period. So was the great German author Theodor Fontane who recommended a visit at the new Jewish temple to anyone interested in architecture.

The congregation picked Rabbi Joseph Aub, a reformer. Not everyone agreed with the way the reformer conducted the prayer services. Some members opposed the use of the big organ which was installed in 1868. At some point, the congregation split in two. Conservative Jews formed their own in 1869. Today, 150 years later, the Jewish congregation at the New Synagogue is a conservative one.

Krützfeld Saves Building

During the Night of Broken Glass on November 9th, 1938, an antisemitic mob consisting of members of Hitler’s paramilitary organization ‘Sturmabteilung’ (SA) wanted to set the New Synagogue on fire. They did not expect to meet a policemen like Wilhelm Krützfeld.


The First 99 Years of B'nai Israel

In 1920, Congregation B’nai Israel was incorporated by a small Jewish community that felt the need for organizing traditional Jewish services, Jewish community activities, and a Hebrew School for their children. Among the charter members who worked indefatigably for the success of the congregation, were: D. M. Elias, Hyman Livingston, Ben Marcus, David Meyer, and Aaron Katz, all of blessed memory.

During the early years of its history, without a permanent place to hold religious services, the congregation hovered perilously on the brink of extinction. Services were held sporadically in private homes, hired halls, and when the occasion demanded, even in the rear of stores. The fervent desire to transcend all obstacles and difficulties kept the spark of life–“the shul”–from being snuffed out.

In 1934, the congregation rented quarters at 116 ½ West Central Avenue and regular services and activities were inaugurated. In 1935, Arthur Ravel assumed the presidency and held the post for seven years. During this period the Jewish community experienced steady growth along with the need for permanent quarters to accommodate the increasing number of worshipers. Plans were made for the construction of a synagogue. The Ladies Auxiliary, in 1937, purchased a lot at Coal and Cedar Avenues. Enough money was pledged to permit the start of construction on January 15, 1941. On February 9, 1941, the cornerstone–since reinstalled at the entryway of the current building–was laid. The handsome, California-mission style building with whitewashed walls and red tiled roof stood until it was sold, and later demolished, to make way for medical offices in the late 1960’s.

Jack Levick, the first president in the new structure, was elected for a two-year term in 1942. During this time, plans were formulated to purchase land for a congregational cemetery and organize a Chevra Kadisha. David Pincus became the first full-time rabbi of the congregation, and he served until 1942.

In 1944, with Ben Marcus as president, the congregation burned the first mortgage on the building.

During the 1940’s administrations of Jack Meyer, Gabe Block, and Jack Mendelsberg, many improvements to the Hebrew School were made. Additional land also was purchased for the congregation’s cemetery.

In the 1940’s Albuquerque community witnessed the arrival of several Holocaust-survivor families. They found a welcoming home within the congregation. Fred Veston, whose memory is still cherished by long-time members, set up a painting studio in the rear of his jewelry shop, at First and Central, where he lovingly re-created cherished scenes of the “Old Country.” Many of his works are on display in the congregation social hall, and are part of Congregation B’nai’s Arts & Judaica Collection.

The growth of the congregation mirrored the 1950’s-era expansion of the City of Albuquerque. Jewish scientists, engineers, and enlisted men who were associated with Kirtland Air Force Base and Sandia Laboratories found their spiritual home within the synagogue. They diversified the congregation’s merchant-based membership.

Bernard Leach led the congregation from 1952–1953 David Specter in 1954 Sol Taylor in 1955 Phil Levy from 1956–1957, and Simon Goldman assumed the Presidency in 1958. Old-time members recall synagogue dues being very affordable for all. Periodically, they said, the “balebattim”–the shul’s leaders–would gather to collectively pay off synagogue bills.

During these years a building site was selected for a new, larger synagogue at the location of Indian School Road and Washington Avenue, NE. In 1959, the presidential gavel was passed to Kurt Kubie, who raised $35,000 to purchase this corner, five-acre property. It was also during this period that Philip Pfeffer was engaged to serve as the congregation’s first Cantor.

Lawrence Wayne served as the presiding officer in 1961. In 1962 he was followed by Herman Bloch, under whose leadership the congregation continued to grow and prosper. In 1963, Edward Seliady held office for a year.

Sam Green assumed the Presidency in 1964 for a two-year term. Under his leadership, the remaining indebtedness on the second mortgage was paid, and two additional classrooms were added on the Coal/Cedar site to meet the needs of an ever-growing Hebrew School enrollment.

Phil Levy was re-elected in 1966. In 1967, the Board of Trustees launched a fundraising campaign, chaired by Julius Wollen, to build a new facility on the recently acquired land. Construction seemed assured until the shul, responsive to Israel’s plight in the Six Day War, contributed most of its substantial building fund to aid in Israel’s defense.

When Sidney Gasser assumed the Presidency in 1968, the building fund-drive was resumed. With the cooperation of many faithful and devoted workers, it was successfully concluded. Bids were let, and the ground-breaking ceremonies for the present synagogue, school, and social hall took place in December, 1969.

The old building held its last service in November, 1970. Shortly thereafter, a traditional Torah procession was made from the old building to the new one with a distinctively designed sanctuary that resembled a golden-yellow “tent,” reminiscent of Biblical gatherings.

The new sanctuary made many recall the traditional Friday evening prayer, Ma Tovu: “How goodly are your dwellings, O Jacob,Your sanctuaries, O’ Israel.”

During Sheldon Bromberg’s administration in 1970, arrangements were made for the sale of the shul’s former home at Coal and Cedar.

In the congregation’s fiftieth year, Irving Friedman was elected President. The congregation obtained the services of Rabbi Isaac H. Celnik in 1971, and with his leadership, attendance at services grew. The congregation was propelled over the next twenty-eight years by his charismatic presence as both ritual leader and teacher.

Robert Katz was president in 1973–1974, which coincided with the Yom Kippur War. The congregation, feeling again that Israel was at risk of annihilation, held rallies and raised funds to help support it in every way.

In 1975–1977, during the presidency of Alan Greenfeld, the synagogue was remodeled and a handicapped-accessible ramp was installed.

Marilyn Reinman became president following the untimely passing of Larry Schwartz, holding office from 1978 – 1980. Marilyn, daughter of long-time President Arthur Ravel, was one of the first women chosen to lead a Conservative congregation in the United States.

The 1980’s were years of tremendous growth for Congregation B’nai Israel. It was during this period, under the presidency of Brian Ivener, that a pre-school was opened. Enrollment at the Religious School skyrocketed and classes averaged as many as twenty students.

During the next presidencies of Charles Glass (1981–1983) and William DeBois, the congregation continued to enjoy steady growth and balanced budgets.

Under the administration of Wayne Bobrick many still-memorable events were initiated, including beloved Shabbat Dinners that were held four times a year.

When Howard Friedman, followed as president, the Endowment Fund was inaugurated. Under his presidency a major renovation to the building was undertaken: the social hall was enlarged, two new kitchens (one for meat, one for dairy) were installed, and the education wing was expanded. Construction was completed during Burrell Ross’s time in office (1989–1990), which is also when Josh Perlman was hired as Cantor. During the next eight years, Cantor Perlman served as hazzan and he instructed the Confirmation Class students.

The congregation continued to grow while under the leadership of Al Berlin (1991–1993) and Judy Gardenswartz (1993–1995). They focused their efforts on attracting young families to the shul. The Board fully supported the founding of a Solomon Schechter Day School, which called the shul its home until it moved to the new Jewish Community Center facility.

During the second half of the decade of the 90’s, when Madeline Dunn, Bonnie Ivener, David Berlin, and Martin Sherman were congregational presidents, plans were drawn up and funds were raised to remodel the sanctuary. Congregants from those years remember the remodeling-fund drives, the closing-down of the sanctuary when new carpeting, seating, lighting, and sound systems were installed.

When Lawrence Golden became president, the new bimah was installed with the impressive Yehi Or (“Let there be Light”) sculpted letters on the cherrywood doors, which became the place of honor for the congregation’s six Torah scrolls. These sculpted letters were created lovingly by the talent of our longtime member, Harvey Buchalter.

Rabbi Arthur Flicker became the congregation’s new Rabbi, replacing Rabbi Isaac Celnik.

Harvey Buchalter became President in 2003, at which time a gala celebration was held to commemorate the first 85 years of the shul. Caitlin Bromberg, one of the first female Hazzans to graduate from the Jewish Theological Seminary, became Cantor.

Under the presidencies of Alan Chodorow and Keith Harvie, the Men’s Club and Sisterhood grew their memberships, and their innovative programs became national models for other synagogues.

Wayne Bobrick assumed the shul presidency for his second time in 2009. He lead the congregation with approximately 280 members who joined him in looking forward to the shul’s next 90 years. In April, 2011, Harvey Buchalter assumed the Presidency of the Congregation, for his “second time around.”

In 2013, William Hochheiser and Robert Lewis became the congregation’s first co-presidents. Following the team leadership, Richard Hammer was elected as president in 2015. Shortly after that, our congregation began a search for a new spiritual leader with the impending retirement of Rabbi Flicker.

In October of 2016, Rabbi Evelyn Baz, our first female rabbi, was installed as mara d’atara. Although her tenure was short-lived, she was a catalyst for our members to undergo a period of rediscovery of who we were as a congregation. Co-presidents, Wayne Bobrick (for his hat-trick) and Elynn Finston, led us through a member-wide survey that helped us to redefine our needs and desires as a Kehilla. Not surprisingly, our members revealed that remaining a Conservative house of worship was the utmost priority, and we gathered strength in learning how important our building, and our members, are to each other.

In April, 2018 Elynn assumed the role as sole president, and oversaw a thorough, well-organized, national search for an Interim Rabbi. Meanwhile, a group of architecture students at the University of New Mexico were conducting research on our congregation’s history, and learning about the unusual design of our magnificent sanctuary. Their efforts culminated in a nomination to the New Mexico Cultural Properties Review Committee in Santa Fe, which unanimously accepted nomination of Congregation B’nai Israel for a listing in the National Register of Historic Places.

In 2019, our synagogue’s sanctuary was recognized by the State of New Mexico as being an icon of diversity, and noteworthy architectural design worth historical preservation: our building was placed on the NM Historic Register. See the section below for more details.

With the results of our member snapshot survey having touched all areas of our synagogue life, lay leadership created a weathervane of priorities. This aided a well-organized, thorough national search for an Interim Rabbi. The search came to an end when we found a compatible match to become our Interim Rabbi to heal our congregation and lead us forward to our 100 year anniversary. It is here that we reach the current period of our congregational history: Rabbi Dov Gartenberg is leading and lifting our spirits after assuming his new role in late August, 2019.


500 Years After Expulsion, Sicily’s Jews Reclaim a Lost History

PALERMO, Sicily — Sicily’s Jews were banished from this island in 1492, the victims of a Spanish edict that forced thousands to leave and others to convert to Roman Catholicism.

More than 500 years later, a nascent Jewish community is planting fresh roots in the Sicilian capital, reclaiming a lost, often painful, history, this time with the aid of the local diocese.

Palermo’s archbishop, Corrado Lorefice, has granted the emerging community the use of an unused oratory, to be transformed into Palermo’s first stable synagogue in five centuries.

And for many, it’s about time.

“The Jewish community is a part of Palermo, part of its history Jews were here for 15 centuries,” said Evelyne Aouate, an Algerian-born, Parisian-raised transplant whose deepening exploration of her own roots drove the efforts to find the community a home.

Aptly enough, that home will be located in what once was known as the Giudecca, Palermo’s ancient Jewish quarter. The downtown warren of yet-to-be-gentrified ramshackle buildings is filled with narrow streets whose names still recall some of that history, like Piazza Meschita, the Arabic word for both synagogues and churches, or Via dei Calderai, for the tinkers and coppersmiths whose shops have lined the street practically forever.

A few years ago, trilingual street signs — in Italian, Hebrew and Arabic — were put up as markers in the area in a nod to the city’s rich past. But “the Hebrew is wrong, it’s botched”— a transliteration that doesn’t read right, according to Maria Antonietta Ancona, a retired anesthetist who goes by her Jewish name, Miriam. “They didn’t translate, but just substituted Italian characters with the Hebrew characters, so it doesn’t make sense,” she said.

She should know, she began studying Hebrew 10 years ago as part of her conversion to Judaism.

Like other members of the nascent Palermo community, Ms. Ancona, who was raised as a Roman Catholic though her father was Jewish, began recovering her roots 30 years ago as part of a “pressing necessity” to embrace her Jewish identity.

The new synagogue — on the Vicolo Meschita, part of an area once occupied by Palermo’s Great Synagogue — will be housed in a former Baroque oratory known as Santa Maria del Sabato, or Holy Mary of Saturday.

It is an unusual name for a church, noted Luciana Pepi, who teaches Hebrew language, culture and philosophy at the University of Palermo, and is also a convert and active member of the local Jewish community.

“Some scholars have hypothesized that the name might be related to the memory of the celebration of Shabbat,” the weekly Jewish day of rest, she said.

Slika

On a recent spring morning, Ms. Pepi, Ms. Ancona and Ms. Aouate — who spearheaded the efforts to open a synagogue — fussed at the entrance to the oratory, fumbling with a padlock on a cast-iron gate. Using an oversize key, with some effort, they finally opened a tall, paneled wood door.

The three women paused at the entrance, taking in a softly lit nave, where dilapidated wooden seats and peeling yellow paint betrayed decades of neglect. The ornate altar was still in the apse, but sundry statues and crucifixes had already been removed.

“Here it is!” said Ms. Aouate, her happiness palpable. “It’s beautiful, but there is still a lot to do.”

That includes reacquainting Palermo citizens with a history that many didn’t even know they had.

For many years “history books skipped over the city’s Jewish presence, as if trying to cancel it,” Ms. Ancona said. Ms. Pepi added: “Palermo didn’t know its own history.”

That has been changing, mostly as a result of Ms. Aouate and a small group of enthusiasts, including Catholics, who 25 years ago founded the Sicilian Institute for Jewish Studies, dedicated to recovering the island’s Jewish identity.

“A little at a time we are trying to renew that memory,” Ms. Aouate said.

Scholarship, too, has filled in many of the missing blanks of Sicily’s Jewish past.

Documents show that Jews were in Sicily at least since the first century A.D., and remained on the island until the 1492 edict. At one point, there were 51 communities here, Palermo being the largest and most important.

Historians say the edict affected at least 35,000 Sicilian Jews, including at least 5,000 in Palermo. Some Jews decided to stay, converting to Catholicism against their will. Some — known here as Marranos — continued to practice Judaism in secret.

Palermo’s municipal archives — whose late-19th-century grand hall may have been inspired by the Great Synagogue — recently exhibited mementos of more recent affronts to Sicily’s Jews.

They included documents from the years following Mussolini’s 1938 racial laws, showing how the city’s Jews were unceremoniously fired from jobs at the local university and City Hall, in order to “defend the Italian race,” one document read.

It took time for the community to rebuild.

“I first arrived here in 1959, and for 20 years I thought I was the only Jew in Palermo,” Ms. Aouate said. Over the years, she met other Jews and in time her elegant Palermo apartment became a point of reference for the community during the holidays.

The number of Jews currently living in Palermo remains unclear. “It depends, because if you think of all the people born of a Jewish mother or a Jewish father, then it’s numerous,” but not everyone considers themselves Jewish, she said.

Until now, in any case, there haven’t been enough men to form a regular minyan, the quorum of 10 or more adult male Jews required for communal worship, as is the case in Orthodoxy, the only recognized Jewish stream in Italy.

Dedicated tourism may change that because Palermo offers various Jewish sites around town, some harboring signs of past suffering.

A mikvah, or Jewish ritual bath, was found below the courtyard of Palazzo Marchesi, which in the 16th century housed the offices of the Inquisition.

Later, between 1601 and 1782, the Palazzo Chiaramonte-Steri — today part of the University of Palermo — served as the prison and tribunal of the Inquisition. Its walls preserve the anguished scratched scrawls of past inmates, including some in Hebrew.

Just over three years ago, Hanukkah candles began to be lighted at Palazzo Steri, a tangible sign of the university and the city’s commitment to the Jewish community.

The community’s spiritual leader, the Rabbi Pierpaolo Pinhas Punturello, who is an emissary of Shavei Israel, an organization based in Jerusalem that assists those searching for their Jewish heritage, said that he had noticed a growing interest in the Jewish heritage of Sicily and other parts of southern Italy.

“Every time I go there I meet new people curious about their origins, who want to explore them,” the rabbi said.

The synagogue was the natural next step and in June last year, Ms. Aouate, Ms. Pepi and Ms. Ancona asked the archbishop whether an unused church might be available.

Three weeks later, Archbishop Lorefice called to offer the oratory.

The Rev. Pietro Magro, who is responsible for interreligious dialogue for the archdiocese of Palermo, said that the archbishop had been pleased to reach out to the community in their search for a place of prayer.

“The church of the Virgin of the Saturday seemed right because it’s in the Jewish quarter, and we hope it will be ready soon,” Father Magro said.

The restoration is expected to begin shortly the city will cover most of the costs. The community has another long list of expenses, from the ark for the Torah scrolls to a sophisticated security system, Ms. Aouate said. “And we would like a beautiful Menorah!”


Hermann Zvi Guttmann as a Jewish architect in Germany

Herrmann Zvi Guttmann was one of only three Jewish architects who managed to work successfully in West Germany after the end of the Second World War . Overall the process of rebuilding the cities was dominated by those architects who had been able to continue their careers more or less prominently under National Socialist rule. In contrast to Ernst Guggenheimer ( Stuttgart ) or Helmut Goldschmidt ( Cologne ), Guttmann was not able to finish his studies in Munich until the early 1950s. He had survived the National Socialist campaign of persecution and extermination by fleeing to the Soviet Union . After the war he spent several years in a Displaced Persons (DP) camp in the Bavarian town of Pocking waiting for his emigration to Palestine / Israel . Therefore he was not able to make use of a (potential) network of (non-Jewish) clients early in his career. Throughout his life he only worked for Jewish clients. He built synagogues and community centers for them in Offenbach (1956 This and the following numbers give the respective opening year and thus do not provide information on the much longer times of development and construction. ), Düsseldorf (1958), Hannover (1963), Osnabrück (1969), Würzburg (1970), and Frankfurt am Main (1977) and he also designed the Jewish monument at the Dachau concentration camp memorial (1967), funeral chapels for the Jewish cemeteries in Hannover (1960) and Augsburg (1961), as well as Mikvaot , retirement homes, and youth centers. Additionally, he built private residences and commercial buildings for private clients mainly in the region around Frankfurt am Main , but also in Berlin . In Hamburg he was involved in two projects for the local Jewish congregation : between 1956 and 1958 he planned and built the Jewish retirement home on Schäferkampsallee 27 and he also supervised the installation of a mikveh in the new community center .


Poglej si posnetek: Avinu Malkeinu (December 2021).

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