Novo

Zaloga paleoindijskih artefaktov najdena na 12.000 let starem mestu Connecticut

Zaloga paleoindijskih artefaktov najdena na 12.000 let starem mestu Connecticut


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

V ameriški zvezni državi Connecticut so odkrili spletno mesto, ki razkriva dokaze o njegovih najstarejših prebivalcih. Odkritih je bilo približno 15.000 artefaktov, povezanih s paleoindijsko skupnostjo, ki ponujajo vpogled v daljno preteklost brez primere. Najdeni so bili zlasti dokazi o metanju sulice, ki je bila ključna za preživetje in uspeh prvih ljudi na tem območju.

To mesto so našli med obsežnim gradbenim projektom Ministrstva za promet (DOT), medtem ko so delavci gradili most čez reko Farmington v Avonu. Odkrili so ga le zato, ker je most zahteval globoko izkopavanje. DOT je o tem obvestil oblasti, kot to zahteva zakon, in opravili so predhodno preiskavo.

Brian Jones, državni arheolog iz Connecticuta, je po preizkusu nekaterih vzorcev tal verjel, da je mesto zelo pomembno in je bil gonilna sila, ki je zagotovila njegovo temeljito raziskavo. Zadnjih nekaj let so tukaj delali arheologi, DOT pa je celo zagotovil dodatna sredstva za arheološko raziskavo.

Paleoindijsko naselje, odkrito v Connecticutu. Vir: © Connecticut DOT .

Prvi ljudje so živeli na paleoindijskem mestu v južni Novi Angliji

Strokovnjaki so ugotovili, da so nekateri najdeni artefakti stari do 12.500 let. Terri Wilson, predsednica Avonovega zgodovinskega društva, je za NBC CT povedala, da je "to najstarejše znano paleoindijsko arheološko najdišče v južni Novi Angliji". Skupaj so arheologi odkrili 15.000 kamnitih artefaktov, velika večina pa je kamnito orodje, ki se uporablja predvsem za pripravo hrane.

Kamniti artefakti prvih ljudi paleoindijskega najdišča. (© Connecticut DOT )

Odkrili so tudi odprto ognjišče in več lukenj za stebre, ki so jih uporabili pri gradnji zavetišč. NBC CT citira Wilsonovo izjavo: "To je mesto za stik s človekom. Ni mesto človeških ostankov. Torej, ostankov ljudi ni. Tu so živeli in delali. "

  • Evolucija indijanske družbe: potovanje skozi starodavno zgodovino
  • Nova študija o zgodnjem pridobivanju človeškega ognja rešuje razpravo
  • Ali je ta dokaz, da je zgodnji človek orožal slonovino iz volnenih mamutovih kljov, da bi ubil ... volnene mamute?

Paleoindijsko najdišče je vsebovalo odprto ognjišče in številne stebre iz začasnih stanovanj skupaj s 15.000 artefakti. (© Connecticut DOT )

Arheologi so v mestu Connecticut do danes našli najobsežnejše ostanke paleoindijske kulture. Prej je bilo v državi najdenih le nekaj predmetov, ki so imeli le omejeno raziskovalno vrednost. Daily Mail navaja Caroline Labidia, ki pravi, da "to spletno mesto nas lahko prepriča, da razumemo prve ljudi v Connecticutu na način, na katerega nismo mogli".

Metanje sulic na paleoindijskem najdišču

Odkritih je bilo nekaj drobnih drobcev kremena in kamna, ki so imeli edinstvene odrezke in razpoke, ki ustrezajo tistim, ki jih najdemo pri metanju sulic. Ti »sovpadajo s študijo iz leta 2015, v kateri je bilo ugotovljeno, da so severnoameriški lovci z metači kopja metali orožje na daljše razdalje« poroča Daily Mail. Te metače sulic ali atlatov so verjetno v Ameriko prinesli tako imenovani ljudje Clovis, ki so bili med prvimi ljudmi na celinah.

Drobni drobci kremena, odkriti na paleoindijskem najdišču. (© Connecticut DOT )

Profesor Karl Hutchings, antropolog, je dejal, da to odkritje "pomaga podpreti teorije, da so ti zgodnji lovci lahko ubili velik plen, kot so mamuti in druga megafauna", poroča Daily Mail. To je bilo pri lovu zelo pomembno in je zagotovilo, da so Paleoindijci uspevali v pogosto sovražnem okolju. Zdi se verjetno, da tradicionalno kopje ne bi moglo ubiti velikih zveri, takrat pa bi bili metači kopja veliko bolj smrtonosni.

Ljudje v Ameriki

Sposobnost paleoindijcev, da pripeljejo velike živali, pomeni, da niso omejene na eno območje. Atali ali metači sulic so bili zelo prenosni in niso potrebovali toliko udeležencev kot lov, kar je vključevalo kopje. Ta tehnologija je lovcem verjetno omogočila sledenje velikim živalim med selitvijo, na primer mamutu. To je bilo v sodobni Severni Ameriki zelo pomembno.

Dokazi o metalih sulic na paleoindijskem najdišču. (© Connecticut DOT )

Odkritje najdišča je odličen primer, kaj je mogoče doseči med gradbenim sektorjem in arheologi, ko sodelujejo. To arheološko območje je dobilo ime po Brian Jonesu, ki je na žalost umrl poleti. Dela na najdišču, ki so jih arheologi temeljito obdelali, bodo predvidoma zaključena leta 2020.


Orodja in artefakti iz kamna Paleo

Orodja in artefakti iz kamna Paleo ključna beseda po analizi sistema prikaže seznam ključnih besed, povezanih s tem, in seznam spletnih mest s sorodno vsebino, poleg tega pa lahko vidite, katere ključne besede najbolj zanimajo stranke na tem spletnem mestu


Predpomnilnik srebrnih kovancev iz časa Hasmoneja, odkrit v Modiinu

Arheologi v Modiinu so v starodavni stenski vrzeli dosegli redek srebrni zaklad. Med reševalnim izkopom v osrednjem Izraelu je bil prikazan vrt srebrnih kovancev iz obdobja Hasmoneja (126 pr. N. Št.).

"Morda je predpomnilnik pripadal Judu, ki svoj denar skriva v pričakovanju, da se bo vrnil, da bi ga vrnil, vendar je bil razočaran in se nikoli več ni vrnil," pravi direktor izkopavanja Modiin Abraham Tendler. Zračna fotografija Hasmonejske posestne hiše, izkopane v Modiinu

Šekele in polovični šekeli (tetradrahma in didrahma), kovani v mestu Tire s podobami kralja, Antioha VII in njegovega brata Demetrija II, so redki srebrni zakladi poznega hasmonejskega obdobja.

Zaklad je bil postavljen v skalno razpoko, nasproti stene impresivnega kmetijskega dvorišča, ki so ga odkrili med izkopavanjem. Zaklad srebrnih kovancev so našli v skalni razpoki.

»Predpomnilnik, ki ga sestavlja 16 kovancev, vsebuje enega ali dva kovanca vsako leto med 135–126 pr. N. Št., Skupaj pa je zastopanih devet zaporednih let. Zdi se, da se je nekaj zmotilo pri zbiranju kovancev in možno je, da je bila oseba, ki je zakopala predpomnilnik, zbiralec kovancev.

Deloval je na enak način, kot danes zbiralci znamk in kovancev upravljajo z zbirkami «. Dr. Donald Tzvi Ariel, vodja oddelka za kovance pri izraelski upravi za starine, je dejal v izjavi za javnost iz medinstitucionalnega sporazuma. Ali morda: »Predpomnilnik, ki smo ga našli, je prepričljiv dokaz, da je eden od članov posesti, ki je več mesecev prihranil svoj dohodek, moral iz neznanega razloga zapustiti hišo.

Denar je zakopal v upanju, da se bo vrnil in ga zbral, a očitno je bil nesrečen in se ni nikoli vrnil. Zanimivo je misliti, da je kopičenje kovancev tukaj čakalo 2.140 let, dokler ga nismo razkrili, "je dejal Tendler.

Dodal je: »Ugotovitve našega izkopavanja kažejo, da je judovska družina na tem hribu v času Hasmoneja ustanovila kmetijsko posestvo. Družinski člani so na sosednjih hribih zasadili oljke in vinograde ter pridelovali žito v dolinah.

Industrijsko območje, ki vključuje stiskalnico oljk in skladišča, kjer so hranili oljčno olje, trenutno odkrivajo poleg posestva. Na obdelovalnih parcelah ob posesti je bilo izpostavljenih več deset kamnitih vinskih stiskalnic, ki odražajo pomen viti-kulture in vinske industrije na tem območju. Posestna hiša je bila zgrajena iz masivnih sten, da bi zagotovila varnost pred napadi razbojnikov. "

Pri izkopu so odkrili tudi številne bronaste kovance, ki so jih kovali hasmonejski kralji. Nosijo imena kraljev, kot so Yehohanan, Judah, Jonathan ali Mattathias in njegov naslov: Veliki duhovnik in vodja Judovskega sveta.

Najdbe kažejo, da je posestvo še naprej delovalo v zgodnjem rimskem obdobju. Judovski prebivalci posestva so se natančno držali zakonov o obredni čistosti in nečistosti: v svojem naselju so postavili obredne kopeli (miqwe'ot) in uporabili posode iz krede , ki po judovski zakonodaji ne more postati ritualno nečist.

Na tem mestu so odkrili dokaze, ki kažejo, da so prebivalci posestva sodelovali tudi v prvem uporu proti Rimljanom, ki je izbruhnil leta 66 n. slogan „Svobodni dom Siona“.

Posestvo je še naprej delovalo tudi po uničenju templja leta 70 n. "Zdi se, da lokalno prebivalstvo ni obupalo, da bi si pridobilo neodvisnost od Rima, in bili so dobro pripravljeni na boj proti sovražniku med vstajo v Bar Kokhbi," je dejal Tendler in nadaljeval,

»Med izkopavanjem smo videli, kako so prebivalci posestva pred vstajo napolnili dnevne sobe ob zunanji steni stavbe z velikimi kamni in tako ustvarili utrjeno pregrado. Poleg tega smo odkrili skrita zatočišča, ki so bila posekana v podlagah pod nadstropji posestne hiše. Ti kompleksi zatočišč so bili povezani s tuneli med vodnimi cisternami, jamami za shranjevanje in skritimi prostori. Na enem od sosednjih izkopavalnih območij je bil izpostavljen mikwe impresivne lepote, ko smo izkopali globlje v kopeli, odkrili odprtino v njej, ki je pripeljala do obsežne skrivalnice, v kateri so bili najdeni številni artefakti, ki so segali do časa vstaja Bar Kokhba «.

Edinstvene najdbe, odkrite v izkopu, bodo ohranjene v arheološkem parku v osrčju nove soseske, predvidene za gradnjo v Modi'in-Maccabim-Re'ut.


Paleoindijci in mlajši Dryas v regiji New England-Maritimes

Ta članek obravnava okoljske in arheološke podatke za mlajši Dryas (YD) (12.900–11.600 kalibriranih let pred tem) (cal BP) in zgodnji holocen (11,600–10,000 cal cal BP) v New England-Maritimes (NEM) za modeliranje okoljskih sprememb in možne odzive ljudi. Za nekatere druge regije Severne Amerike raziskovalci trdijo o zanemarljivih okoljskih spremembah in človeških odzivih, drugi pa kažejo, da so ekološke spremembe, povezane s hladnimi razmerami na začetku leta Y, motile regionalno bioto, kar je povzročilo življenjski stres za paleoindijsko prebivalstvo in konec Clovisove kulturne prilagoditve (okrog 13.200–12.900 kal.p.). NEM kaže nenadno ohladitev na začetku YD, kar je spodbudilo bolj odprte habitate, ugodne tako za selitve na dolge razdalje, kot za lokalne črede karibov, in je morda spodbudilo zgodnjo paleoindijsko kolonizacijo in naselitev te nezasedene deglacialne regije. Primerjava paleoindijskega točkovnega zaporedja z umerjenimi datumi radijskih ogljikov kaže, da so skupine žlebanih točk verjetno zasedle NEM med YD, vendar ne po njej. Nenadno segrevanje na koncu YD (okrog 11.600 kalorij BP) je povzročilo hitro reorganizacijo populacij vegetacije in vrst plena v regiji, kar je v arheološkem zapisu sovpadlo z upadom paleoindijske tehnologije biftiranja in spremenjeno distribucijo regionalnih območij. V zaprtih gozdovih naslednjega zgodnjega holocenskega NEM so pozno paleoindijske skupine (11.600–10.000 kalorij BP) uporabljale neprekinjene, suličaste točke, ki lahko signalizirajo priseljevanje po YD v NEM.


Arhaično obdobje (pred 10.000 do 3.000 leti)

Regionalno podnebje se je na splošno hitro segrelo pred 11.000 leti. Različne drevesne vrste so se še naprej "premikale" proti severu (saj so bila njihova semena razpršena na različne načine), Maine pa je pokrival gost mešan gozd s trdim lesom. Obalne vode so se segrevale vzporedno z gozdnato notranjostjo.

Majhne indijanske sezonske vasi, skoncentrirane na vhodih in izstopih večjih in srednje velikih jezer, vzdolž glavnih rek in v obalnih območjih. Za arhaično obdobje so značilna potovanja po oceanu, glavnih rekah in večjih jezerih. Približno 7000 let so Maine Indijanci uporabljali težke, lesene kanuje, ki niso zlahka prenosljivi. Nismo našli nobenega od zemunic, pogosti pa so težki leseni kamniti žlebovi in ​​dleta, ki so bili uporabljeni za izdelavo zemun, in morda drugi veliki leseni predmeti. Potovanje med »ravno vodo« je moralo biti peš.

Vrsta kultur, ki so jih arheologi poimenovali običajno po določeni vrsti glave kamnitega kopja, je morala zasedati obalo Maine. Njihova obalna območja so pod vodo, le nekaj pa jih je bilo ohranjenih v nahajališčih na dnu priobalnega zaliva Maine (Kelley et al. 2010). Večinoma domnevamo, da so bili ljudje na obali kulturno podobni tistim, ki jih najdemo ob notranjih rekah in jezerskih obalah. Na zelo redkih mestih vzdolž osrednje obale Maine so nad naraščajočo morsko gladino preživela taborišča z nanosi, ki so nastala pred približno 4500 do 4000 leti. Eno izmed teh je spletno mesto Nevin. Vsa ta obalna taborišča pred 4000 leti vključujejo kosti mečarice, ko se sploh ohrani hrana. Kulturna imena teh obalnih prebivalcev so Small Stemmed Point (pred približno 4200 leti) in Moorhead faza (med približno 4200 in 3800 leti). Ti ljudje in njihovi predhodniki so sodelovali v verski tradiciji, ki se običajno imenuje "rdeča barva" za rdeči oker pigment, dodan na njihove grobove. Arheologi religijo zdaj imenujejo pokopališče Moorehead (od približno 6000 do približno 3800 let).

Nato se je nekje med 4000 in 3500 leti spremenila obalna ekologija in zaliv Maine je postal naraščajoč in hladen. Približno 3600 let se je kultura, imenovana tradicija Susquehanna (ki jo je morda nosilo priseljensko prebivalstvo, z obsežno razpravo o tem vprašanju), preselila v Novo Anglijo in pokrajine Maritimes ali pa je bila sprejeta po njej. Tradicija Susquehanne izvira (nekoliko starejša za stoletje ali dve), z zelo podobno tehnologijo kamna in kosti, vse do juga do doline reke Savannah na meji med Gruzijo in Severno Karolino. Severovzhodna varianta je bila prvič prepoznana v dolini reke Susquehanna. Ob Maineškem zalivu so bili ljudje (ali kultura) v tradiciji Susquehanne manj pomorsko usmerjeni kot njihovi neposredni predhodniki (faza Moorehead). Veliko so uporabili tudi obsežno notranjost Maine Maritimes. Njihovo kamnito orodje je vključevalo velike nože s širokimi rezili in stebri za kamen, ki so jih morali uporabiti za izdelavo nečesa iz lesa, ki je bilo sestavljeno z vezalkami ali klinčki premera sodobnega svinčnika. (Možno je, da so bili to lahki okvirji ali kakšna nova varianta zemeljskega kanuja.) Ti ljudje so lovili kopenske sesalce (jelene, lose, medvede, krznarje) in se sezonsko zbirali na lokacijah, ki so bile dobre za spravilo rib . Njihovi pokopi so bili drugačni od prejšnje tradicije pokopa Moorehead. Njihova kultura se je skozi stoletja počasi spreminjala in je bila morda povezana s prvo od kultur keramičnega obdobja v regiji.


Nedavna preiskava najdišča poročnika Johna Hollisterja iz 17. stoletja, Glastonbury, Connecticut

Zbiranje podatkov Mag

Jasmine Saxon zbira podatke o magnetometriji na spletnem mestu Hollister v Glastonburyju

Stebla cevi

Različne cevi izvirajo iz izkopa Hollister Site leta 2016.

Srednja klet 2016

Izkop Srednje kleti leta 2016

Konferenca o glasilu zgodovinske arheologije Nove Anglije, jesen 2016

Poročnik John Hollister je prišel v mlado naselje Wethersfield Connecticut iz vasi blizu Bristola v Angliji leta 1642. Istega leta se je poročil z Johanno Treat (hčerko Richarda Treata, moža visokega družbenega položaja v skupnosti) in bil sprejet kot svobodnjak leta 1643. Predhodne genealoške raziskave kažejo, da je bil Hollister drugi sin, zato ni mogel podedovati očetovega posestva v Angliji. Vendar se zdi, da je v Novo Anglijo prišel z veliko prestolnico in po zemljiških evidencah Wethersfielda do leta 1655 pridobil triindvajset parcel zemljišča v skupni velikosti približno 240 hektarjev. 60 hektarjev tega zemljišča je vključevalo delujočo kmetijo v Nayaugu na vzhodni strani reke Connecticut. Ta kmetija je bila verjetno kupljena pred letom 1650 in je vključevala hišo in gospodarska poslopja. Rastoča Hollisterjeva družina je že zasedla dom v centru Wethersfield, zapisi pa kažejo, da je kmetijo leta 1651 prepustil Gilbertom (drugi družini West Country). Gilbertovi so na Hollisterjevi kmetiji delali do leta 1663. V družini Josiaha Gilberta je bilo šest otrok, rojenih med njihova zasedenost, tam sta verjetno živela tudi njegov oče in nekateri njegovi bratje.
Poročnik Hollister je umrl v razmeroma mladosti leta 1665. V njegovem dolgem zapuščinskem spisku so navedena premoženja v vrednosti več kot 1600 £. Njegov sin John je v Nayaugu prejel »svojo hišo in hlev, sadovnjak in pašnik« z »šestdeset hektarji oranja in košnje z drugo zemljo«, pri čemer je razumel, da bo svoji mami priskrbel dvajset grmov jabolk in dva sode jabolčnika na leto . Zapuščina tudi kaže, da so na kmetiji gojili velike količine pšenice (20 hektarjev) in indijske koruze (23 hektarjev). John se je poročil leta 1667 in v Nayaugu ustanovil svojo veliko družino. Kmetija je bila leta 1675 utrjena s palisado za zaščito sosednjih družin in njihovih kmetijskih proizvodov med vojno kralja Philipsa. V tem času je John pomagal tudi lokalnemu plemenu Wangunk pri gradnji palisade na visokih tleh severno od Nayauga. Proti koncu svojega življenja je John svojo zemljo razdelil svojim sinovom, ki so v bližini začeli vzgajati svoje družine. John Hollister je umrl leta 1711 in domnevno naj bi hiša izginila pribl. 1715.
Leta 2015 sta se Zgodovinsko društvo Glastonbury in lastnik zemljišča Mark Packard, potomec Hollisterja, obrnila na Urad za državno arheologijo v Connecticutu, da bi izvedla javno izkopavanje na veliki konjski paši, ki naj bi bila lokacija kmetije John Hollister. V pripravah na to sem prosil podiplomskega študenta UConna in strokovnjaka za radarje, ki prodirajo v zemljo, Peter Leach, naj pregleda območje za značilnosti, ki bi jih bilo vredno raziskati. Ta predhodna raziskava je prinesla izjemne rezultate - identificirane so bile tri velike pravokotne kleti ter druge verjetne lastnosti pomožne kleti in več velikih jam ali stebrov. Enodnevna kopa Zgodovinskega društva je ustvarila majhen sklop artefaktov, ki so namigovali, da bi to lahko bila lokacija kmetije Hollister, zato je bila za leto 2016 načrtovana intenzivnejša nadaljnja študija.
Poljska sezona 2016 se je začela s študijo magnetometrije na približno treh hektarjih pašnika, ki obdaja območje jedra. To delo sta izvedli podiplomski študentki Maeve Herrick in Jasmine Saxon z Univerze v Denverju. Herrick in Saxon sta juliju in avgustu sledila tej študiji z dodatnim delom GPR in razširila prvotno raziskavo Leach. Arheološka izkopavanja so bila avgusta izvedena z javnimi programi, povezanimi z Državnim naravoslovnim muzejem v Connecticutu (UConn) in Zgodovinskim društvom Glastonbury. Sezona izkopavanj se je osredotočila predvsem na tri glavne značilnosti kleti, opredeljene v radarskih raziskavah. Deli teh kleti so bili izkopani do tal na globini približno 150 cm. Polnilo kleti, ki je potekalo skozi 1/8-palčno strojno krpo, se je izkazalo, da je ohranilo zelo bogate ostanke živalskih ostankov, vključno z divjimi in domačimi sesalci, pa tudi želvo in ribjo kostjo, luskami in številnimi školjkami. Med izkopavanjem so bili ugotovljeni tudi ogljikova koruza in fižol, manjši botanični ostanki pa bodo verjetno pridobljeni iz vzorcev flotacije.
Artefaktov še ni treba popisati, vendar vključujejo velik del severnoitalijanske posode iz marmoriziranega zdrsa, okrašene in navadne delce delftware iz votlih in ploščatih izdelkov, obilne drobce rdeče in bele gline (običajno s stebli premera 8/64-palčni) , steklene kroglice, medeninasti zvonček, žlička iz latenke, renski kamen in različni lončeni predmeti, okrašeni s svinčevim steklom v angleščini, vključno z verjetnimi primeri Midlandske črne posode in rumene obrobe. Še posebej pomemben je bil izterjava drobcev zelo velikega skladiščnega plovila domače proizvodnje pri dnu osrednje kleti. Ta postavka je oprijemljiv odraz tesnega odnosa med družino Hollister in lokalnimi ljudmi Wangunk.
To mesto je verjetno eno najpomembnejših v državi zaradi svoje starosti, bogastva in pomanjkanja naknadnih motenj. Kar zadeva materialno kulturo, je morda najbolj primerljiva z domačijo guvernerja Sir Williama Phipsa v Woolwichu, Maine, ki jo je pregledal Robert Bradley. Arhitekturno bi se lahko izkazalo, da bi rezidenca Hollister odražala zelo dolgo hišo v navzkrižnem slogu zahodne države, vendar bodo potrebna dodatna dela, da se ugotovi, ali so tri poravnane kleti del ene same gospodarske strukture ali ne. Mešanica ostankov divje in domače hrane ter uporaba domače keramike spominjata tudi na dvorec Sylvester na otoku Shelter Island na Long Islandu, ki ga je raziskal Stephen Mrozowski. Obe strani predstavljata podobno bogate nasade in trgovska središča, povezana s pomembnimi kolonialnimi družinami.
Analiza materialov, pridobljenih s spletnega mesta, se zdaj šele organizira. Na seji Društva za zgodovinsko arheologijo že načrtuje posebno sejo, na kateri bodo predstavljeni rezultati te analize v letu 2018, zato spremljajte nas.


Poti in pohodništvo

Mnogi ljudje se zberejo v Veliki kanjon, da bi uživali v njegovem sijaju, vendar se le nekateri bolj pustolovski odločijo, da si ga ogledajo s pohodom.

Kanjon ponuja pohodniške dogodivščine za vse stopnje spretnosti: od sprehoda ob platišču do zahtevnega pohoda pod robom po divjih poteh. Niti dve poti nista enaki, vsaka ima svoje prednosti, ovire, izzive in pisano zgodovino.

Tako kot vsaka druga izkušnja na prostem so tudi raziskave, priprave in izbira primerne poti za vaše sposobnosti in stanje bistvene, da bo vaš pohod po Grand Canyonu koristen in nepozaben podvig.

South Rim Trails

Boucherjeva pot

Nadmorska višina: 1.609 m) Boucherjeve poti v stiku s potjo Dripping Springs
Višina: 710 m: 2.300 čevljev: Boucher Rapid

Dolžina: 16,9 km: pot puščavnika do Boucherja Rapida
Dolžina: 15,3 km: priključek Dripping Springs Trail na Boucher Rapid

Puščavnik s krajšim delovnim časom Louis Boucher je prvič prišel v kanjon leta 1891 in kmalu začel voditi turiste in iskati nahajališča mineralov. Zgradil je taborišče v Dripping Springs in kočo v bližini svojega rudnika bakra v kanjonu Boucher, kjer je zasadil sadovnjak s 75 sadnimi drevesi. Ostanki kabine so še vedno vidni na vzhodni strani potoka Boucher.

Izplakovanja in podori zahtevajo nekaj spretnosti pri iskanju poti. Poleti suho in vroče. Zaprite vodo na poti za uporabo na izhodu. Pozimi uporabite dereze.

Svetla angelska pot

Bright Angel Trail, Grand Canyon, Arizona – Kupite ta natis

Nadmorska višina: 2.091 m: 6.960 čevljev: Svetla angelska pot
Nadmorska višina: 1.158 m: Indijski vrt
Nadmorska višina: 1.140 m: 3.740 čevljev: Plateau Point
Nadmorska višina: 756 m: 2.400 čevljev: reka Kolorado

Dolžina: 7,4 km: pot Bright Angel do Indijskega vrta
Dolžina: 9,8 km: pot Bright Angel do točke Plateau Point
Dolžina: 12,6 km: pot Bright Angel do reke Kolorado
Dolžina: 15 km: pot Bright Angel do kampa Bright Angel

Koridorska pot, dobro vzdrževana in dobro označena.

Ameriški Indijanci so že od prazgodovine uporabljali naravno pot vzdolž prelomne črte, da bi vstopili v notranji kanjon in dosegli izvire v vrtu American Indian. Indijski piktogrami so vidni zgoraj mimo prvega predora in nad potjo med počivališčem Mile in pol in vogalom dveh milj.

Rudarji so pot izboljšali leta 1891 in drugim začeli zaračunavati cestnino. Zasebni državljani, železnica Santa Fe in vladni uradniki so od leta 1901 do 1928 izpodbijali lastništvo Svetle angelske poti, ko je nadzor končno prešel na službo narodnih parkov.

Družine Havasupai so na prelomu stoletja še vedno kmetovale v Indijskem vrtu.

OPOMBA: Jahači mule se odpravijo na enodnevne izlete po poti. Ko se približa zabava z mulami, mirno stojite na notranji strani poti, dokler ne mine. Mule imajo prednost.

Pot Escalante

Nadmorska višina: 823 m: reko Colorado
Nadmorska višina: 3.800 čevljev (1187 m): greben Escalante Creeka

Dolžina: 24 milj: od Tanner Trail do New Hance Trail

Pot divjine z izplakovanjem in skalnimi kamni zahteva nekaj spretnosti pri iskanju poti. Poleti vroče in suho. Brez vode, razen ob reki. Zaprite vodo na poti za uporabo na izhodu. Pozimi uporabite dereze.

Ta razgibana pot predstavlja težave, ki se običajno ne pojavljajo ob poti Tonto. Več odsekov zahteva izpostavljeno plezanje z rokami in nogami ter navpično ravnanje s pakiranjem. Samo za izkušene pohodnike Grand Canyon.

Pot Grandview

Nadmorska višina: 2.256 m: 7400 čevljev: pot Grandview
Nadmorska višina: 1.463 m: Podkeva Mesa
Nadmorska višina: 1.146 m: priključek Tonto Trail

Dolžina: 4,8 km: pot Grandview do podkve Mesa
Dolžina: 7,7 km: pot Grandview do križišča Tonto Trail preko East Horseshoe Mesa Trail

Indijanci Hopi so mineralne barve nabirali na Podkevski Mesi že dolgo preden je Pete Berry leta 1890 začel delati na rudniku Zadnja priložnost.

Berry je zgradil pot do svojega rudnika bakra in uporabil burros za pakiranje rude do roba. Baker je bil visokokakovosten, vendar so transportni stroški zmanjšali njegov dobiček.

Ko se je turizem povečal, je Berry na obodu zgradil hotel Grandview in po svoji poti začel popotnike voditi v kanjon. Vse rudarstvo se je leta 1908 končalo na mesu.

Pot divjine z izplakovanjem in skalnimi kamni zahteva nekaj spretnosti pri iskanju poti. Poleti suho in vroče. Zaprite vodo na poti za uporabo na izhodu. Pozimi uporabite dereze.

OPOZORILO: Ne vstopajte v rudniške jaške. Večina je nestabilnih, nekatere pa vsebujejo navpične gredi. Ravni radona v rudnikih so večkrat višje od normalnih ravni.

Prazgodovinski in zgodovinski artefakti, najdeni v parku, so zaščiteni z zakonom. Pustite jih drugim, da uživajo.

Puščavniška pot

Nadmorska višina: 2.024 m: 6.640 čevljev: pot puščavnika
Nadmorska višina: 1.487 m (1.487 m): Santa Maria Springs
Nadmorska višina: 732 m: 2.400 čevljev: reka Kolorado

Dolžina: 4,0 km: Puščavniška pot do Santa Maria Springs
Dolžina: 12,6 km: Puščavnikova pot do Hermit Creeka
Dolžina: 15,0 km: Puščavniška pot do reke Kolorado

Železnica Santa Fe je začela razvijati območje kanjona puščavnikov, da bi se popotniki izognili plačilu cestnine na Bright Angel Trail. Tramvaj iz točke Pima Point je oskrboval turistični kamp v kanjonu puščavnikov.

Pot divjine z izplakovanjem in skalnimi kamni zahteva nekaj spretnosti pri iskanju poti. Poleti suho in vroče. Zaprite vodo na poti za uporabo na izhodu. Pozimi uporabite dereze.

OPOMBA: Pohodniki morajo čez noč kampirati v določenih kampih v Hermit Creeku in Hermit Rapidu. Dopustite 7 ur, da pridete do Hermit Creeka. Pot je skalnata in strma ter zahteva zelo počasno hojo.

Nova pot Hancev

Nadmorska višina: 2.134 m: nova pot Hance
Nadmorska višina: 792 m: reka Kolorado

Dolžina: 12,9 km: pot New Hance do reke Kolorado

Odkritje predkambrijskega skrilavca v bližini Hance Rapida označuje začetek Granitne soteske, območja, ki je zaradi nevarnih brzic in težkih plovil zaskrbljujoče za začetnike rečnih tekačev.

Hakatai Shale tvori značilno rdečo skalo vzdolž spodnjega dela Rdečega kanjona. Vzhodni konec poti Tonto se začne pri ustju Rdečega kanjona.

John Hance, slavni kanjonski vodnik in pripovedovalec zgodb, je na južni rob prispel okoli leta 1883. Hance je najprej zgradil pot po potoku Hance proti zahodu po indijski poti Havasupai.

Ko se je njegova prvotna sled sprala, jo je preselil na sedanjo lokacijo v Rdečem kanjonu.

"Morate razumeti," je nekoč opozoril turista, "da je zelo toplo, ko pridete na dno kanjona in dosežete obalo reke Kolorado. Ne morete si predstavljati, kako vroče je.

Dajem besedo, bil sem tam spodaj, ko je bilo tako vroče, da je muham stopil krila. " "Ampak," je vprašala nezaupljiva gospa iz Nove Anglije, "kako to vzdržijo turisti?"

"Gospa," je odgovoril Hance, "še nikoli nisem videl turista s krili!"

Pot divjine z izplakovanjem in skalnimi kamni zahteva nekaj spretnosti pri iskanju poti. Poleti suho in vroče. Zaprite vodo na poti za uporabo na izhodu. Pozimi uporabite dereze.

South Bass Trail

Nadmorska višina: 2027 m: 6650 čevljev: pot South Bass
Nadmorska višina: 2.250 čevljev (686 m): reka Kolorado

Dolžina: 12,6 km: pot South Bass do reke Colorado

Arheološki dokazi kažejo, da so to pot uporabljali prazgodovinski Indijanci Cohonina, ki so jim v novejšem času sledili Indijanci Havasupai.

Pionir kanjona William Bass je izboljšal ameriške indijske pešpoti za jahanje. Bass je razvil turistični kamp na južnem robu in zimski tabor ter rudnike na severni strani reke Kolorado.

Sprva je s čolnom vodil popotnike po reki, nato pa po kabelskem prehodu (zdaj razstavljenem), da bi dosegel svojo pot, ki vodi do severnega roba.

Da bi oprala perilo med sušnimi obdobji, bi njegova žena Ada Bass zbrala družinska umazana oblačila in osedlala svojega konja na tridnevni izlet do reke in nazaj.

Leta 1915 je rečna zabava opustila svoj kovinski čoln, Ross Wheeler, ki še vedno leži ob vznožju Basove poti.

Pot divjine z izplakovanjem in skalnimi kamni zahteva nekaj spretnosti pri iskanju poti. Poleti suho in vroče. Zaprite vodo na poti za uporabo na izhodu. Pozimi uporabite dereze.

Pot Južni Kaibab

Nadmorska višina: 7.260 čevljev (2.213 m): pot Južnega Kaibaba
Nadmorska višina: 6262 čevljev (1926 m): Cedar Ridge
Nadmorska višina: 2.480 čevljev (756 m): reka Kolorado

Dolžina: 2,4 km (2,4 km): pot Južnega Kaibaba do Cedar Ridgea
Dolžina: 10,1 km: pot Južnega Kaibaba do reke Kolorado
Dolžina: 11,7 km (11,7 km): pot Južnega Kaibaba do kampa Bright Angel

Služba narodnih parkov je leta 1928 dokončala sistem poti po hodniku čez kanjon-istega leta je prevzela nadzor nad Svetlo angelsko potjo.

Večina poti v Grand Canyonu ostane v mejah stranskega kanjona. Toda Južni Kaibab je ena redkih poti, ki sledijo odprtim grebenom, ki ponujajo panoramski pogled na glavno sotesko.

Koridorska pot, dobro vzdrževana in dobro označena.

Tanner Trail

Nadmorska višina: 2.225 m: 730 čevljev
Nadmorska višina: 1.707 m: 5.700 čevljev: sedlo Escalante
Nadmorska višina: 2.700 čevljev (823 m): reka Kolorado

Dolžina: 4,8 km: pot Tanner do Escalante Butte
Dolžina: 16,1 km: Tannerjeva pot do reke Kolorado

Seth Tanner, zgodnji mormonski pionir, je to predzgodovinsko indijsko pešpot izboljšal v osemdesetih letih 20. stoletja. His pack trail provided access to mining claims along the river in the Palisades Creek area.

At one time the route was part of the Horsethief Trail. Outlaws stole horses in Utah and drove them down the Nankoweap Trail to a low-water ford across the Colorado River. After altering brands, they moved the horses up the Tanner Trail to the South Rim and sold them farther south to unsuspecting ranchers.

Beamer Trail

About 9.5 miles (15.3 km) from Tanner Beach to the mouth of the Little Colorado River (LCR).

Generally the route follows near the river as far as Palisade Creek, then climbs via cairned switchbacks to the top of the Tapeats Sandstone and follows this narrow bench to the LCR.

No camping is allowed within 0.25 mile of the LCR/Colorado River junction.

Tonto Trail

Elevation: 3,600 feet (1,097 m): Tonto Platform (Red Canyon)
Elevation: 2,800 feet (853 m): Tonto Platform (Garnet)

Length: 95 miles (152.9 km): Garnet Canyon to Red Canyon

Hikers seldom follow the entire Tonto Trail, normally using it to connect with rim-to-river routes.

Approximate mileages between key points on the Tonto Trail:
11.6 miles (18.7 km): Garnet Creek to Bass Canyon
35.7 miles (57.5 km): Bass Canyon to Hermit Creek
12 miles (19.3 km): Hermit Creek to Bright Angel Trail (Indian Garden)
4.5 miles (7.2 km): Bright Angel Trail to South Kaibab Trail
21.3 miles (34.3 km): South Kaibab Trail to Grandview Trail (Horseshoe Mesa)
9.9 miles (15.9 km): Grandview Trail to New Hance Trail (Red Canyon)


Possible or Proposed Northeastern NHLs

At present, there is only one Paleoindian property in the Northeast already designated an NHL, the Abbott Farm District, located in Mercer County, New Jersey, listed on December 8, 1976. Tables 9 and 15 list other prospective Northeastern NHL paleoindian properties. The Megalloway Cluster in Maine (Adkins, Cox, Morss, Vail, and Wheeler Dam), of which Vail is currently listed on the National Register, may be a good candidate for an NHL district, although the integrity of these sites should be reevaluated. Adkins and Vail have on-shore ice damage. However, the proximity of the sites in combination with the unusual diversity in site functions may warrant recognition. The Arc/Hiscock/Bear Paw/Bush Complex/Emanon Pond/Diver's Lake sites in New York could also be a possible NHL candidate when considered as a district as this group could harbor some of the very oldest sites in the Northeast. Dutchess Quarry Cave, currently on the National Register, may also have potential as an NHL district in combination with the megafauna sites of the Glacial Lake Albany beds in Orange County and several nearby damaged small sites. If not included into a district, Dutchess Quarry Cave should be considered for delisting because of reinterpretation of its age and context. In Pennsylvania, the Meadowcroft in Shoop sites may both be recognized for stimulating discussion at the national level. Recent interpretations of Shoop argue that the site is a southern Paleoindian outlier, not a Great Lakes area derivative, although this has not been demonstrated conclusively. However, if the interpretation holds the site will gain additional importance because it defines two socio-cultural provinces in the East. Small sites and quarries in northern New England could emerge with further study as marking a major route into the region in the Late Pleistocene. In particular, bedrock quarries and finds on Champlain Sea beaches in Vermont and New York may eventually qualify for NHL district status.

There is potential for invisible Paleoindian sites to gain importance in the future. South of Maine, the Atlantic coast was farther East during some of the Paleoindian period. Sites are likely to exist on the submerged shelf, and in fact fluted pints have been found on beaches in Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Delaware, where sites are rare inland, and along coastal streams in New York (Edwards and Emery 1977 Edwards and Merrill 1977 Emery and Edwards 1966 Stright 1990). The Massachusetts Bay, Buzzards Bay, Narragansett Bay, Chesapeake Bay, and Delaware River embayments should all be suspect. Dredging and offshore developments are likely to disturb sites that may be essentially intact underwater.


Paleoindian Studies and Geoarchaeology at the University of Arizona

Paleoindian sites along the San Pedro River valley.

Early investigations into the Pleistocene archaeology of Arizona were led by Byron Cummings, first Head of the Department of Archaeology. Between 1926 and 1931, Cummings investigated mammoths and other fossil bone finds from southeastern Arizona , including what he believed to be a pair of Pleistocene human burials from Cienega Creek. Although poorly documented, these discoveries led him to speculate that people had been in Arizona for 50,000 years (Cummings 1928).

The best documented example of Cummings' Paleoindian research occurred at the Double Adobe site. In October of 1926, just three months after the first human artifact was uncovered at the Folsom site, Cummings led four students to Whitewater Draw. Discovered by a schoolboy, the Double Adobe site contained the skull of a mammoth overlying a sand layer containing milling stones and handstones. This situation received only local attention until Ted Sayles and Ernst Antevs initiated an intensive survey of the draw in 1936 and named the Archaic-period Cochise culture (Sayles and Antevs 1941). The association of groundstones with extinct fauna eventually attracted the scrutiny of Gordon Willey and Philip Phillips (1958).

Among the students who assisted Cummings at Double Adobe was Emil Haury. In response to criticisms aimed at the stratigraphic associations at Double Adobe, Haury (1960) wrote,

As one of several who participated in the 1926 excavations of the mammoth and who removed a horse jaw amidst artifacts in the deeper layer, as well as numerous bones in later years from the same layer, I feel obligated to try to answer the questions voiced and to stave off the rejection of what I regard to be valid evidence.

Haury certainly entertained the possibility that mammoth hunters and plant gatherers were the same people following different seasonal pursuits, a prospect that he maintained for the duration of his career (Haury 1986:436-440). Continued scrutiny about the site eventually led to Michael Waters' reinvestigation. Returning to the site in 1983, Waters concluded that Cummings' mammoth was redeposited with sediments containing the earliest traces of the Cochise culture (Waters 1986).

Emil Haury (right) at Naco mammoth kill site, April 1952.

Emil Haury at Ventana Cave, Naco, and
Lehner Ranch

Excavations at the Naco site, 1952.
The mammoth remains are being
prepared for a plaster jacket
(Arizona State Museum).

Another of Haury's early forays into Paleoindian archaeology and geoarchaeology came in 1941 when he excavated Ventana Cave in southwestern Arizona , enlisting the aid of Julian Hayden and geomorphologist Kirk Bryan (Haury 1943, 1950). The deepest artifacts from Ventana Cave were recovered from a layer of volcanic debris that also contained Pleistocene horse, antelope, sloth, and other fossil and modern species. A projectile point from the volcanic debris layer was compared to Folsom and later to Clovis , but the assemblage was peculiar enough to warrant a separate name – the Ventana Complex. Radiocarbon dates from the volcanic debris layer indicated an age of about 11,300 BP.

A witness block and thorough sampling allowed Bruce Huckell and C. Vance Haynes to revisit the site stratigraphy and artifact assemblage in 1991. New radiocarbon dates and artifact analysis indicates that the volcanic debris layer was laid down between 10,500-8,800 BP, and that vertical turbation is responsible for the association of extinct fauna with stone tools.

Emil Haury's involvement with problematic Paleoindian sites ended in 1952 at Naco , Arizona , where Haury excavated the Naco mammoth site in Greenbush Draw (Haury at al. 1953). The site was reported to Haury by Marc Navarrete in September of 1951 after his father, Fred, found two Clovis points while uncovering the remains of a mammoth. Ernst Antevs and Ted Gladwin accompanied Haury to the site in November of 1951. After not finding additional artifacts in the cutbank, Antevs noted in his pocket journal that the archaeological situation was, “not very promising.”

A Clovis point in situ med
mammoth bone at the Naco site, 1952
(Arizona State Museum).

Excavations were carried out April 14-18, 1952. In only five days, Haury recovered what remained of a single mammoth with seven Clovis points in direct association. The Naco site was the first Clovis-mammoth association to be identified after the Clovis type was recognized as typologically distinct and stratigraphically separated from the younger Folsom type. The work at Naco also witnessed Ernst Antevs' “geologic-climatic” method of stratigraphic correlation and dating (e.g., Antevs 1955), resulting in a remarkably accurate age estimate of 10,000 to 11,000 years old.

Soon after the work at Naco, Haury excavated the Lehner mammoth site near Hereford , Arizona . Nearly two months of fieldwork in 1955 and 1956 yielded the remains of nine mammoths, the isolated remains of horse, bison, and tapir, 13 Clovis points, eight flake tools, one chopping tool, a small amount of flake debris, and two hearths (Haury et al. 1959). A distinctive black clay layer, coined the “Lehner swamp soil,” buried these deposits and the mammoth remains. Antevs (1959) associated the “swamp soil” with a subhumid climate and ponding, but inaccurate radiocarbon dates prohibited an absolute date for the interval. Vance Haynes later renamed it the “black mat” and several more recent radiocarbon dates indicate that it formed between 9,800 and 10,800 BP (Haynes 2007).

A Clovis point in situ near a bison
mandible and mammoth bone at the Lehner site, 1955 (Arizona State Museum). Naco Clovis point (A10903)

The Program in Geochronology

The Program in Geochronology developed from the early work of A.E. Douglas in dendrochronology. He brought his pioneering interests and activities from Flagstaff to the UA in 1937. It grew to include studies in archaeology, botany, geology, paleontology, and paleoclimatology. A radiocarbon laboratory was installed at the University in 1952, the same year that a committee was formed to direct studies in this field. The UA lab was one of the first in the country, established just two years after the method was initially developed. In 1957 Paul Damon joined the Department of Geosciences and became Director of the radiocarbon lab. His arrival heralded decades of primary research into radiocarbon dating and isotope geochemistry that continues today (http://www.geo.arizona.edu/research/iso_lab.htm). Damon along with Austin Long, Vance Haynes, their students and other colleagues worked on a variety of archaeologically and geoarchaeologically significant topics of dating various materials in an array of depositional settings around the world. In 1981, the Accelerator Mass-Spectrometry radiocarbon lab (http://www.physics.arizona.edu/ams/) was established as a joint project between the Departments of Geosciences and Physics. This was one of the first AMS 14C labs in the world.

Excavations at the Lehner site, 1955,
with the bone bed well exposed
(Arizona State Museum).

Enter C. Vance Haynes, Jr.

C. Vance Haynes at the
Lehner Mammoth site.

Through the 1950s C. Vance Haynes, Jr., combined his long avocational interest in archaeology with his training and career work in geology (though the latter was in engineering geology and metamorphic petrology) (C.V. Haynes, pers. comm. 1999). A series of fortuitous military postings in Albuquerque, Austin, and Fairbanks, coupled with his choice of the Colorado School of Mines near Denver for an undergraduate degree, brought him into contact with some of the leading Paleoindian archaeologists of the day, including Frank Hibben, Fred Wendorf, Alex Krieger, E.H. Sellards, Glen Evans, Dave Hopkins, Marie Wormington, Henry and Cynthia Irwin, and George Agogino. He eventually entered the University of Arizona , attracted by the Program in Geochronology and Haury's Paleoindian studies, to pursue graduate work on Paleoindian geochronology, earning his PhD in Geosciences in 1965. As a graduate student, he and George Agogino began a systematic search for charcoal among the many Paleoindian sites on the Great Plains , personally processing the samples in the then new UA radiocarbon laboratory. Their work resulted in the first reliable date for Folsom based on work at the Lindenmeier site in Colorado (Haynes and Agogino 1960), the first reliable age control for the Dent site, Colorado, and the Agate Basin site, Wyoming (Haynes 1964), and a landmark predoctoral paper in Science (Haynes 1964) that first laid out an accurate Paleoindian chronology based on careful application (mostly by him) of the then still relatively new radiocarbon method. Our understanding of both Clovis and Folsom chronology began with that paper.

Murray Springs, 1967

Being one of the few geologists interested in archaeological questions at the same time that environmental archaeology was taking off, and having been in contact with the Who's Who of Paleoindian studies, he quickly became involved in a variety of projects in the early 1960s such as Hell Gap (Haynes et al. 1965 Irwin-Williams et al. 1973) and Sister's Hill in Wyoming (Haynes and Grey 1965), and was invited by Fred Wendorf to join the High Plains Paleoecology Project (HPPP). This project was also Vance's entre to work at the Clovis site (Blackwater Draw Locality 1). All of these events more or less marked the beginning of Vance's professional career in geoarchaeology and Paleoindian studies and resulted in a series of significant papers in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s (e.g., Haynes 1966, 1970, 1973, 1980).

Vance's initial work at Hell Gap and Clovis in the early 1960s were milestones in Great Plains geoarchaeology and Paleoindian studies. Both sites contain long and extensive records of Paleoindian habitation, each providing a more or less complete record of the regional Paleoindian sequence. The work at Hell Gap was one of the single biggest advances in understanding the Northern Plains Paleoindian chronology following the development of the radiocarbon dating method itself. Until the Hell Gap work, the stratigraphic relationships of the Paleoindian record in the region largely were inferred based on data elsewhere, especially the Southern Great Plains . The results from Hell Gap combined with his work at Sister's Hill and the U.P. mammoth site also provided the outlines for the first regional model of late Quaternary geoarchaeology in the Wyoming Basin and Northern Great Plains (Haynes 1968).

Vance Haynes at the Clovis site
(V. Holliday)

At about the same time, Vance's initial work at Clovis resulted in the first well-dated Paleoindian and post-Paleoindian archaeological sequence for the Southern Great Plains (Haynes 1967, 1975 Haynes and Agogino 1966). Because this work was part of the HPPP, it also formed a stratigraphic and geochronologic basis for refining and revising the regional Paleoindian geoarchaeological stratigraphic sequence.

Hell Gap and Clovis were and are spectacular sites in their own right, but Vance brought something unique to his work in the early 1960s: careful attention to microstratigraphic detail. Vance's microstratigraphy focuses not just on sedimentology and depositional environments but on archaeological relationships and radiocarbon sampling. Attention to detail in recording and sampling is not unusual in archaeology or in the geosciences, but Vance brought a unique combination of a solid training and experience in field geology, a passion for archaeology, and an understanding of radiocarbon geochemistry.

More generally, Vance's early work at Hell Gap, Clovis, and other sites on the Great Plains was the first and is still one of the few regional geoarchaeological investigations where the same individual studied both the site and regional stratigraphy, assessed the archaeology, and both collected and processed the radiocarbon samples. This has provided him with a perspective at a subcontinental scale that is probably unique in all of North American geoarchaeology.

Back to the San Pedro Valley

Excavation at Murray Springs.
(C. V. Haynes)

By the late 1960s, Vance was well established as one of the country's leading (and few) geoarchaeologists and Paleoindian researchers. During this time he began his own long-term interdisciplinary archaeological project in the San Pedro Valley of Arizona (e.g., Haynes 1981, 1982, 1987). In the mid-1960s, during a systematic search of the San Pedro Valley for additional mammoth sites as well as pollen localities, Vance Haynes and Peter Mehringer, then both graduate students at UA, discovered and tested a series of sites in the area.

In the winter of 1966, Louis Escapule discovered the partial remains of a large mammoth eroding from the surface of a tributary to the San Pedro River . The Escapule mammoth rested on an eroded marl surface and was buried by “black mat” deposits before Holocene erosion removed portions of the site. Mr. Escapule exposed, photographed, and removed two Clovis points associated with the animal's ribs, but professional excavations in 1967 did not recover further evidence of this association (Hemming and Haynes 1969).

The most significant archaeological find in the valley, the Murray Springs site, was excavated over the course of six field seasons between 1966 and 1971, with limited geochronological, paleoenvironmental, and archaeological exploration and research still in progress. The site was exposed by headward arroyo cutting sometime between 1958 and the time of discovery in 1965. It provides a remarkable record of Clovis hunting activities as reflected in both mammoth and bison kill areas, and an accompanying camp area. A large assemblage of projectile points, flake tools, and thousands of flakes from discreet knapping locales attest to exceptional preservation beneath the “black mat,” as do sealed mammoth track impressions and a presumed shaft straightener fashioned from carved mammoth bone.

Excavated mammoth at Murray Springs.
(C. V. Haynes)

Večja slika

The decades of the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s saw Haynes involved in addressing similar sorts of research questions in familiar patterns. For example, he continued using microstratigraphy and careful application of radiocarbon dating (the AMS method in particular) to clarify artifact chronologies. Radiocarbon dating of the Mill Iron bone bed (in Montana ) and analysis of the associated Goshen artifacts has raised a number of questions regarding the age and typological relationships between the Goshen style of the Northern Great Plains and the Plainview style of the Southern Great Plains (Frison et al. 1996). His microstratigraphic work at the Clovis site (Haynes 1995) has shown how short the Clovis-Folsom transition was, something he first proposed in 1964. Additional work at Clovis , Folsom, and Lindenmeier, combined with data from the San Pedro Valley and from other research on the Great Plains tightened the age range for Clovis to between 11,200 and 10,900 radiocarbon yrs BP, and for Folsom to between 10,900 and 10,300 radiocarbon years BP (Haynes et al. 1992 Haynes 1993). Significantly, these age ranges, based on dozens of dates, are not substantially different from the original age ranges of 11,500 to 11,000 for Clovis and 11,000 to 10,000 for Folsom, published in the 1964 Science article based on a handful of samples from a few sites. The dating of Clovis and Folsom also bring up the thorny issue of radiocarbon calibration (Taylor et al. 1996). Another noteworthy aspect of Vance's work is that a quarter century ago Vance predicted the possibility of an atmospheric accordion effect on our Paleoindian time scale (Haynes 1971).

In the 1960s Vance began research into geoarchaeology of middle and late Paleolithic sites in the Western Desert of Egypt. In four decades of research he delved into such diverse topics as the geochronology of playas, landscape evolution, remote sensing, processes of sand movement (literally following in the footsteps of the renowned desert naturalist Ralph Bagnold), and climate change, and documented previously unknown Paleolithic sites and the historic camps of early desert travelers. Some of Vance's Egyptian work and that of colleagues and students is presented in a special issue of the journal Geoarchaeology (January 2001, volume 16, number 1).

Exposed mammoth track impressions at Murray Springs. (C. V. Haynes)

Vance Haynes retired from the UA in 1999, but continues an active program of research, including, among other commitments, a summary publication of over three decades of work in the San Pedro Valley . The establishment of the Argonaut Archaeological Research Fund was a direct outgrowth of Vance Haynes' long term Paleoindian research program and the search for his replacement. Although AARF is focused explicitly on the Southwest, other Paleoindian archaeological and geoarchaeological research is underway by faculty and students.

References Cited

Antevs, Ernst (1955) Geologic-climatic Dating in the West. American Antiquity 20:317-335.

Antevs, Ernst (1959) Geological Age of the Lehner Mammoth Site. American Antiquity 25(1):31-34.

Cummings, Byron (1928) Cochise of Yesterday. Arizona Old and New I, no. 4:9-10,25-28.

Frison, George, C. Vance Haynes, Jr., and Mary Lou Larson (1996) Discussion and Conclusions. In The Mill Iron Site, edited by G.C. Frison, pp. 205-216. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

Haury, Emil W. (1943) The Stratigraphy of Ventana Cave. American Antiquity 8:218-223.

Haury, Emil W. (1950) The Stratigraphy and Archaeology of Ventana Cave. University of Arizona Press and University of New Mexico Press, Tucson, Arizona, and Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Haury, Emil W. (1953) Artifacts with Mammoth Remains, Naco , Arizona : Discovery of the Naco Mammoth and the Associated Projectile Points. American Antiquity 19:1-14.

Excavated bone shaft straightner
at Murray Springs. (C. V. Haynes)

Haury, Emil W. (1960) Association of Fossil Fauna and Artifacts of the Sulphur Spring Stage, Cochise Culture. American Antiquity 25(4):609-610.

Haury, Emil W. (1986) Thoughts After Sixty Years As a Southwestern Archaeologist. In Emil W. Haury's Prehistory of the American Southwest, edited by J. Jefferson Reid and David E. Doyel, pp. 435-464. University of Arizona Press, Tucson .

Haury, Emil W., E.B. Sayles, and W.W. Wasley (1959) The Lehner Mammoth Site, Southeastern Arizona . American Antiquity 25:2-32.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1964) Fluted Projectile Points: Their Age and Dispersion. Science 145: 1408-1413.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1966) Elephant Hunting in North America . Scientific American 214:104-112.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1967) Carbon-14 Dates and Early Man in the New World . In Pleistocene Extinctions: The Search for a Cause, edited by P.S. Martin and H.E. Wright, Jr., pp. 267-286. Yale University Press, New Haven , Connecticut .

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1968) Geochronology of Late-Quaternary Alluvium. In Means of Correlation of Quaternary Successions, edited by R.B. Morrison and H.E. Wright, Jr., pp. 591-631. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City .

Projectile point from Murray Springs.
(C. V. Haynes)

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1970) Geochronology of Man-mammoth Sites and Their Bearing on the Origin of the Llano Complex. In Pleistocene and Recent Environments of the Central Great Plains , edited by W. Dort and J.K. Jones, pp. 77-92. University of Kansas Press, Lawrence.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1971) Time, Environment, and Early Man. Arctic Anthropology 8:3-14.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1973) The Calico Site: Artifacts or Geofacts? Science 181:305-310.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1975) Pleistocene and Recent Stratigraphy. In Late Pleistocene Environments of the Southern High Plains, edited by F. Wendorf and J.J. Hester, pp. 57-96. Fort Burgwin Research Center , Taos , New Mexico .

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1980) The Clovis Culture. Canadian Journal of Anthropology 1:115-121.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1981) Geochronology and Paleoenvironments of the Murray Springs Clovis Site, Arizona . National Geographic Society Research Reports 13:243-251.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1982) Archeological Investigations at the Lehner Site, Arizona, 1974-1975. National Geographic Society Research Reports 14:325-334.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1986) Discovering Early Man in Arizona . In Emil W. Haury's Prehistory of the American Southwest, edited by J.J. Reid and D.E. Doyel, pp. 75-77. University of Arizona Press, Tucson .

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1987) Curry Draw, Cochise County , Arizona : A Late Quaternary Stratigraphic Record of Pleistocene Extinction and Paleo-Indian Activities. In Cordilleran Section, edited by M.L. Hill, pp. 23-28. Geological Society of America Centennial Field Guide Volume 1. Geological Society of America , Boulder , Colorado .

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1993) Clovis-Folsom Geochronology and Climatic Change. In From Kostenki to Clovis : Upper Paleolithic - Paleo-Indian Adaptations, edited by O. Soffer and N.D. Praslov, pp. 219- 236. Plenum Press, New York

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (1995) Geochronology of Paleoenvironmental Change, Clovis Type Site, Blackwater Draw, New Mexico. Geoarchaeology 10:317-388.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. (2007) Radiocarbon dating at Murray Springs and Curry Draw. In Murray Springs: A Clovis Site with Multiple Activity Areas in the San Pedro Valley, Arizona, edited by C. Vance Haynes, Jr., and Bruce B. Huckell, pp. 229-239. University of Arizona Press, Tucson .

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. and George A. Agogino (1960) Geological Significance of a New Radiocarbon Date from the Lindenmeier Site. The Denver Museum of Natural History, Proceedings 9, Denver .

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. and George A. Agogino (1966) Prehistoric Springs and Geochronology of the Clovis Site, New Mexico . American Antiquity 31:812-821.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr. and Donald C. Grey (1965) The Sister's Hill Site and its Bearing on the Wyoming Postglacial Alluvial Chronology. Plains Anthropologist 10:196-211.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr., Henry T. Irwin, Cynthia Irwin-Williams, and George A. Agogino (1965) Hell Gap Archaeological Site, Wyoming. INQUA, Guidebook for Field Conference E, Northern and Middle Rocky Mountains , pp. 17-20.

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr., R.P. Beukens, A.J.T. Jull, and Owen K. Davis (1992) New Radiocarbon Dates for Some Old Folsom Sites: Accelerator Technology. In Ice Age hunters of the Rockies , edited by D.J. Stanford and J.S. Day, pp. 83-100. Denver Museum of Natural History and University Press of Colorado , Denver .

Haynes, C. Vance, Jr., Dennis J. Stanford, Margaret M. Jodry, Joanne Dickenson, John L. Montgomery, Philip H. Shelley, Irwin Rovner, and George A. Agogino (1999) A Clovis Well at the Type Site 11,500 B.C.: The Oldest Prehistoric Well in America. Geoarchaeology 14:455-470.

Hemmings, E. Thomas and C. Vance Haynes, Jr. (1969) The Escapule Mammoth and Associated Projectile Points, San Pedro Valley , Arizona . Journal of the Arizona Academy of Science 5:184-188.

Huckell, Bruce B., and C. Vance Haynes, Jr. (2003) The Ventana Complex: New Dates and New Ideas on Its Place in Early Holocene Western Prehistory. American Antiquity 68(2):353-372

Irwin-Williams, Cynthia, Henry T. Irwin, George A. Agogino, and C. Vance Haynes, Jr. (1973) Hell Gap: Paleo-Indian Occupation on the High Plains. Plains Anthropologist 18:40-53.

Sayles, Edward B, and Ernst Antevs (1941) The Cochise Culture. Medallion Papers 29. Gila Pueblo Archaeological Foundation, Globe, Arizona .

Taylor, R.E., C.V. Haynes, Jr., and M. Stuiver (1996) Clovis and Folsom Age Estimates: Stratigraphic Contexts and Radiocarbon Calibration. Antiquity 70:515-525.

Waters, Michael R. (1986) The Geoarchaeology of Whitewater Draw. Anthropological Papers 45. University of Arizona Press, Tucson .

Willey, Gordon R., and Philip Phillips (1958) Method and Theory in American Archaeology. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.


Resources Inside This Collection (Viewing 1-14 of 14)

The Calluna Hill Site (59-73) is a small Pequot Village burned down by the English allied forces during their withdrawal from the Battle of Mystic Fort. Recent excavations and metal detector surveys indicate the site was occupied for only a few weeks prior to its destruction on May 26, 1637. The site’s setting and faunal assemblage suggests the site was re-located away from the coast in anticipation of an English attack on Pequot territory. The artifact assemblage of re-processed brass and iron.

Conflict archaeology can offer a unique perspective into the nature and evolution of warfare in Native American and Euro-American societies in colonial contexts and how these societies shaped warfare and were in turn shaped by them. The Battlefields of the Pequot War Project, funded by the National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program, seeks to move beyond documentation of battle-related objects associated with Pequot War battlefields and place the conflict in a broader cultural.

One of the most iconic moments of the Pequot War was the massacre at Mystic Fort, an event which occurred on May 26, 1637 and took the lives of hundreds of Pequot men, women, and children. Immediately following the massacre, the English retreated back to their ships and were followed by returning Pequot warriors. This paper will examine the native cuprous and ferrous objects recovered along various points of engagement on the English retreat route and analyze them in relation to metallic objects.

We use this paper to take stock of more than 12 years of collaboration between the Eastern Pequot Tribal Nation and the University of Massachusetts Boston in the context of the Eastern Pequot Archaeological Field School. This is important to discuss in a session dedicated to a broader Pequot archaeology, as the Eastern Pequot and Mashantucket Pequot nations share many cultural, historical, and familial connections, yet have had different political and economic positions and archaeological.

The Ohomowauke site (72-137), located on the Mashantucket Pequot reservation in southeastern Connecticut, contains a mid eighteenth-century Euro-American sawmill and associated domestic structures that would have been situated on the historic border of the reservation. While little remains of the sawmill, the cultural material recovered within and around the domestic structures, including the house of the mill operator’s family, provide an opportunity to examine the lifeways of a working class.

Between December 1773 and June 1774, a new road was surveyed and laid out across the Mashantucket Pequot Indian Reservation. Two survey points along this route, mention an “Indian meeting house” and a “small Indian house.” The construction of this road and the architectural landmarks along it illustrate, in part, the considerable adjustments that Pequots were making in the aftermath of colonization and land dispossession. Public architecture such as the “meeting house,” was unknown at.

Multiple Paleoindian sites have been identified during the Mashantucket Pequot Museum and Research Center’s (MPMRC) long-term study of Paleoindian occupations around the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation. The recovery of multiple Paleoindian sites affords the opportunity to study Paleoindian lifeways around the Great Cedar Swamp at Mashantucket. This paper provides an overview of the Paleoindian research conducted by the MPMRC and attempts to reconstruct Paleoindian land use of the Mashantucket.

The Pequot War (1636-1637) destroyed infrastructure, resources and production, mobility, lines of communication and social networks that comprised a complex preventative health system for both native and colonial peoples. The destruction and change in physical and social environments and the disproportionate burden of conflict, for the purposes of this paper, is defined as colonial trauma. Physical and social stressors exacerbated disease that changed the course of colonial battles and.

Often plants recovered from archaeological sites are not seen as keys to interpreting the agency associated with social contexts and cultural identities. Yet, the physical remains of plants left behind by individuals and communities, like other aspects of material culture, are the result of the choices made, completed actions, knowledge availability, and goals/strategies. This paper highlights and recenters traditional ecological knowledge of the Mashantucket Pequot Tribe from 1000 to 1800 A.D.

This paper describes the results of four seasons of field research and laboratory analyses at Calluna Hill (CT 59-73), a small Pequot village burned during the English retreat from the battle at Mystic Fort, part of the 1630s Pequot War. The project uses environmental, spatial, and artifactual data from the site to undertake a study of culture change in southern New England’s contact period in order to better understand the role of intercultural exchange in colonial settings at the domestic.

The Sandy Hill Site (72-97) was dug on the Mashantucket Pequot Reservation over the course of several years as part of large-scale, multi-phase cultural resource management (CRM) excavations. The site, which dates to the Early Archaic, produced a dense assemblage of quartz lithic artifacts, as well as thousands of charred botanicals and calcined bone fragments. Very few bifacial tools were recovered, which has led to the argument that this site may represent a southern manifestation of the Gulf.

Throughout the process colonialism many cultural traditions have been negotiated through the interactions of different sociocultural groups. One such tradition that was deeply affected was smoking. Tobacco, a staple product of the Americas, was returned to Europe by colonizers this began a tobacco smoking revolution which spread clay tobacco pipes back to North America in the 17th-century. These instruments made smoking a more accessible and leisurely activity for Native American and European.

Prior to the devastating Pequot War of 1636, the Pequot people of modern day Connecticut were one unified nation. As a result of the conflict, there now exist two separate cultural groups, the Mashantucket Pequot and the Eastern Pequot. They experienced a trajectory throughout history that remained mostly parallel until modern times. My research examines some of their historic variations, particularly their architectural practices, and the timing of their transition to English-style framed.

The Mashantucket Pequot Reservation is today one of the best-researched heritage landscapes in New England. Cooperation between the Mashantucket Pequot Tribe and UConn archaeologists has been positive and ongoing since the early 1980s. Initial heritage management work on the Reservation focused on ethnohistorical research and the documentation of Pequot homesteads as well as important off-reservation historical sites such as Mystic Fort. Archaeological work was largely limited to extensive.


Video, Sitemap-Video, Sitemap-Videos