Novo

Časovnica Anglo-Powhatan Wars

Časovnica Anglo-Powhatan Wars

  • 1610 - 1646

  • 1610 - 1614

    Wahunsenacah sproži in vodi prvo vojno Powhatan, da bi Angle pregnal iz svoje dežele.

  • 1614

    John Rolfe se poroči s Pocahontasom; zveza konča prvo vojno Powhatan.

  • 1614 - 1622

    Pocahontasov mir med angleškimi kolonisti in Powhatani; ustanovljeno s poroko Pocahontasa in Johna Rolfa.

  • 1622 - 1626

    Druga Powhatanova vojna.

  • 22. marca 1622

    »Indijski pokol« kolonije Jamestown, ko se Powhatanska konfederacija bori za svojo deželo; ubitih več kot 300 kolonistov.

  • c. 1630 - 1644

    Mir med angleškimi kolonisti in staroselci, ki ga vzdržuje palisada, zgrajena med njima.

  • 1644 - 1646

    Tretja vojna Powhatan.

  • 1646

    Powhatanska konfederacija razpuščena s pogodbo iz leta 1646.

  • 1677

    Pogodba o srednjih nasadih določa pridržke za preživela plemena Powhatan; Angleški kolonisti zahtevajo dežele Powhatan.


Časovnica Anglo -Powhatan Wars - zgodovina

Kolonialno obdobje v Severni Ameriki, ki sega od ustanovitve kolonije Jamestown leta 1607 do razglasitve neodvisnosti leta 1776, je obdobje spopadov in vojn. V razdelku Kolonialna zgodovina na spletnem mestu Splošne družbe kolonialne vojne je primer dobro opisan, češ da vojna "pomeni zlom pogajanj in kompromisov", v človeški zgodovini prevladujejo vojne zgodbe skozi tisočletja. V Severni Ameriki je obstajal oborožen spopad med staroselci že dolgo pred prihodom kolonialistov. Torej, zgodovina kolonialne Severne Amerike ni nič drugačna, zato bi morali preučiti številne kolonialne vojne, ker so ključne za razumevanje Amerike kot naroda.

Konflikti in vojne v kolonialnem obdobju so se vodili med kolonialisti in Indijanci ter tudi med kolonialisti iz nasprotujočih si držav. Ena prvih je bila prva anglo-powhatanska vojna med kolonisti v Jamestownu in zavezništvom indijancev iz Virginije, ki govorijo algonkijsko, pod vodstvom Powhatana (Wahunsonacock). Spletna stran Encyclopedia Virginia podrobno opisuje ta konflikt, ki je bil v bistvu boj med kolonialisti in domorodci za zemljo. Vojna se začne po tem, ko je Jamestown ponovno dobil ljudi in material iz Anglije, s ciljem razširiti posest kolonije in zagotoviti njen uspeh.

Natančneje, v mesecu septembru 1609 je John Smith, guverner kolonije Jamestown, poslal 120 mož na slapove reke James. Namen odprave je bil pogajanje za otok z Indijanci Nansemond, eno od zavezniških plemen Algonquin. Umrla sta dva angleška glasnika, zato kolonialisti požgejo mesto Nansemonds ’ in njihove pridelke.

Vojna se nadaljuje še devet let, preden se je sklenila z mirovno pogodbo. Ta blog se bo v to vojno vrnil v naslednjih objavah, ki bodo v skladu z zadevnim mesecem.


Vsebina

Zapleti z domačini so običajno nastali v večini naselij, ki so jih Angleži poskušali vzpostaviti od začetka. Propadla kolonija Roanoke je pomenila prvi stik med angleškimi naseljenci in obalnimi plemeni Algonquian v Severni Karolini. "Že leta 1585 je starešina z imenom Richard Hakluyt odkrito izjavil angleško stališče za novo kolonijo: cilji njihovega potovanja [v Ameriko] so naslednji: 1. zasaditi krščansko vero 2. prometnik 3. osvojiti" . Ώ ]

Prvo stalno angleško naselje, Jamestown Virginia (maj 1607), je bilo na ozemlju močnega, a še vedno rastočega poglavarstva Wahunsunacawh (Angležem znano kot Chief Powhatan). ΐ ] Lokacija Jamestown je bila manj uspešna, ker so bile razmere na tem močvirnatem območju precej manj kot želene, vključno z: onesnaženo vodo, veliko količino žuželk, ki so prenašale bolezen, in kmalu pomanjkanjem hrane. Jamestown in druge kolonije, ki so se ustanovile v "Novem svetu", so morale biti za uspešno poravnavo odvisne od domačinov.

Kapitan John Smith, kolonialni vodja, si je predstavljal, da bodo nekoč virginijski Indijanci opravljali vse delo za Angleže, Ώ ] pa si je Powhatan zamislil nekaj drugega: želel je, da Smith in kolonisti zapustijo močvirje in namesto tega živijo v enem njegovih satelitskih mest Capahosick kjer bi mu v zameno za polno oskrbo izdelovali kovinsko orodje. Α ] Vendar pa je Smith podcenjeval moč Indijancev iz Virginije in tega, česar so bili sposobni, saj so deželo poznali veliko bolje kot Angleži. Decembra 1607, le sedem mesecev po izgradnji trdnjave na otoku Jamestown, je Smith, medtem ko je ponovno opazoval podeželje v bližini Orapaxa, ene od prestolnic Powhatana, ujela skupna lovska skupina, ki jo je vodil Opechancanough. Smith je veliko pozneje v življenju trdil, da ga je Pocahontas med ujetništvom dramatično rešil iz klubov Powhatana, vendar se zgodovinarji razlikujejo glede tega, ali je šlo za propagando ali ne za dejanski domači ritual. Smithov ujet je bil le primer diplomatskih strategij, ki jih je uporabil Wahunsunacawh, da bi Angleže sodeloval in prispeval k njegovemu širjenju nadzora v tej regiji. Ώ ] Smith je bil izpuščen pravočasno za novo leto 1608, ko je obljubil, da bo kolonijo preselil v Capahosick. Smith je velikega poglavarja prepričal, da je sin kapitana Newporta in da je Newport njihova glava veroučenje (plemenski poglavar).

Odnosi med obema narodoma so se spet začeli slabšati konec leta 1608, ko so sestradani kolonisti začeli močno oboroževati nekaj zalog koruze domačinov, ki so prav tako imeli slabo letino. Smithovi stiki s rivalskimi plemeni po zalivu Chesapeake poleti in vojaška ekspedicija kapitana Christopherja Newporta v državo Monakan jeseni niso pomagali.

Do pomladi 1609 je lokalno pleme Paspahegh začelo napad na angleško utrdbo v Jamestownu. Vendar pa njihova veroučenje, Wowinchopunk, je po tem, ko je bil ujet in pobegnil, razglasil nemirno premirje, zato so se nekateri kolonisti lahko celo vkrcali v indijska mesta.

Potem je Smith, ki je prejšnjo jesen postal predsednik kolonije, poleti 1609 še bolj nasprotoval Powhatanu s poskusom vzpostavitve novih utrdb na njihovem ozemlju. Najprej je poslal zabavo s kapitanom Johnom Martinom, da bi se naselili na ozemlju Nansemonda. Ko niso mogli kupiti otoka s svojim templjem, ga je Martin preiskal in njihove grobne ploščadi veroučenjes, in jo zasedli s silo, kar pa ni bilo dobro sprejeto. Kasneje je zapustil položaj, potem ko je 17 njegovih moških, ki niso upoštevali ukazov, izbrisali, ko so poskušali kupiti koruzo v vasi Kecoughtan (danes Hampton, Virginia). Smith je s Francisom Westom poslal tudi 120 mož, da zgradijo trdnjavo daleč navzgor, ob slapu Jamesa, tik nad glavnim mestom v samem mestu Powhatan (in sedanjem mestu Richmond v Virginiji). Smith je spletno mesto kupil od Wahunsunacawhovega sina Parahunta. , a na koncu ni bilo nič bolje.

Smith se je nato poškodoval v naključni eksploziji smodnika, odstavil kot predsednika in 4. oktobra 1609 odplul v Anglijo, kolonija pa je začela stradati. Kmalu zatem je naseljencem uspelo vzpostaviti drugo utrdbo, Fort Algernon na Old Point Comfort, tik ob vasi Kecoughtan.

Novembra je Powhatan zasedel in ubil kapetana Johna Ratcliffeja, ki je odšel v Orapax kupiti koruzo. Francis West je odplul v Patawomecks, obrobno skupino med Powhatanovimi podložniki, za koruzo, vendar je dvema odsekal glavo, nato pa pobegnil neposredno v Anglijo.

Ker niso mogli trgovati z domorodci, so Angleži začeli umirati od lakote, tako da se je Sir Thomas Gates konec maja 1610, ko je prišel, odločil evakuacijo iz Jamestowna. Drugi dan jadranja pa sta srečala lorda de la Warra (starejšega brata Francisa Westa), ki je prišel v zaliv z ostanki svoje flote, ki je eno leto prej zapustila Anglijo, a je bila raztresena v orkanu. Zato so se vrnili v utrdbo pod de la Warrjevim poveljstvom.

Plemič, Lord de la Warr, se je do Indijancev izkazal za precej ostrejšega in bolj ratobornega od vseh njegovih predhodnikov, njegova rešitev pa je bila preprosto v spopad proti osvajalskim vojnam, ki je Gatesa najprej poslal julija iz Kecoughtana iz njihove vasi. 9, nato pa poveljniku Powhatanu postavil ultimatum, da vrne vse angleške podložnike in premoženje ali pa se sooči z vojno. Powhatan se je odzval z vztrajanjem, naj Angleži ostanejo v trdnjavi ali zapustijo Virginijo. Razjarjen je De la Warr odrezal roko pastaškemu ujetniku in ga poslal k prvemu poglavarju z drugim ultimatumom: vrniti vse angleške podložnike in premoženje, sicer bodo sosednje vasi požgane. Tokrat se Powhatan niti ni odzval.


Časovnica Anglo -Powhatan Wars - zgodovina


Slika Sidney King, "Indijska vstaja, 1622"
Vir: Služba nacionalnega parka - slike Sidney King

Opechancanough je postal najpomembnejši vodja nekje po koncu prve anglo-powhatanske vojne, morda še preden je Powhatan umrl. Drugi brat ali bratranec, Opitchipan, je uradno vodil vlogo do smrti Powhatana leta 1629, vendar se zdi, da se je Opechancanough odločil, da opusti Powhatanov način spopadanja s kolonisti s pogajanji in pomiritvijo.

Powhatanova diplomacija s kolonisti ni uspela. Po poroki Pocahontasa z Johnom Rolfejem leta 1614 so Angleži še naprej širili svoja naselja. Izselili so Indijance iz mnogih svojih mest na obeh straneh reke James.

Opechancanough se ni hotel podrediti in pasivno dovoliti angleškim priseljencem, da zasedejo mesta in polja, ki so jih domorodni Američani očistili v Tsenacommacahu. Odločil se je uporabiti vojaško silo, da bi kolonisti opustili Virginijo ali vsaj prilagodili svoj odnos z lokalnimi plemeni.

Do leta 1616 je Opechancanough prinesel Chickahominy v prvo mesto Powhatana. Odtrgal jih je od zavezništva, ki ga je pleme podpisalo z Angleži leta 1614. Njegov uspeh pri novačenju Chickahominyja kaže na to, kako so angleško širitev dojemali kot eksistencialno grožnjo. Chickahominy, čeprav obdan s plemeni, ki jih obvladuje Powhatan, nikoli niso bili del Tsenacommacaha. Vodil jim je svet poglavarjev, ki jih Powhatan ni imel pri izbiri.

Opechancanough se je pripravljal na vojno.

Osebno se je gotovo še spomnil časa, ko ga je John Smith osramotil leta 1609, Powhatan pa se je odločil, da bo svojo prestolnico preselil iz Werowoccomoca v Orapakes. Smith je prinesel Odkritje in dve barki navzgor po reki Pamunkey za pridobivanje koruze leta 1609. Ko je prišel do mesta Menmend v Opechancanoughu, je Smith preprečil zasedo. Opechancanoughja je prijel za lase in ga uporabil za talca. Bojevniki so bili prisiljeni čolne natovoriti s koruzo, namesto da bi se borili. 1

V kulturi, ki je dajala prednost osebnim sposobnostim bojevnika, je moral Opechancanough čutiti, da njegovo zdravljenje vključuje izgubo statusa, ki se mu je treba maščevati.

V svojem življenju je Opechancanough organiziral dva velika presenetljiva napada na kolonialna naselja. Napad leta 1622 je sprožil drugo anglo-powhatansko vojno, ki je trajala desetletje.


do leta 1622 so se kolonisti naselili vzdolž reke James od jesenske črte do Atlantskega oceana
Vir: Nell Marion Nugent, Cavaliers and Pioneers Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 1623-1800 (nasproti str.224)

Leto pred napadom na kolonialne domačije in naselbine leta 1622 je Opechancanough usklajeval načrte z različnimi plemeni na slovesnosti za "prevzem kosti Powhatana", ko so se zbrane skupine, ki govorijo algonkijsko v vzhodni Virginiji, preselile kosti velikega poglavarja v končno častno mesto.

Poglavar na vzhodni obali je koloniste opozoril, da se načrtuje vstaja, Opechancanough pa namerava uporabiti strup iz rastline vodne kukutu (Cicuta maculata), ki je bila pogosta na vzhodni obali. Opechancanough je spoznal, da so bili Angleži opozorjeni leta 1621, in je odložil njegov napad do naslednje pomladi, ko so kolonisti sprostili stražo.


Opechancanough je leta 1621 načrtoval zastrupitev kolonistov z vodno kukutu (zgoraj), vendar so njegova prizadevanja, da bi pridobil zalogo z vzhodne obale, razkrila njegov načrt
Vir: Zavod za gozdove ZDA, Baza rastlin vsebuje odgovore na vegetarijanska vprašanja

Napad je končno prišel 22. marca 1622. Umrlo je skoraj 347 angleških naseljencev, približno tretjina kolonistov. Wolstenholme Towne v Martinovi stotini, vzhodno od Jamestowna, je utrpel največjo izgubo življenja. Kolonisti v nebranjenih kmečkih hišah na največji razdalji od Jamestowna so hudo trpeli, naselje Henricus z železno pečjo v Falling Creeku pa je bilo uničeno.

Niso se vsi odločili, da bodo sledili ukazom Opechancanougha. Konec 21. marca 1622 je vsaj en Indijanec razkril načrte napada. V mitu o Virginiji je ena oseba po imenu Chanco opozorila Richarda Pacea, ki je živel na južni strani reke James. "Chanco" je očitno skupek osebe z imenom "Chauco" na reki Pamunkey skupaj z dečkom, ki je živel v bližini Pacejevega nasada, oba pa sta morda opozorila koloniste.

Pace je opozoril na naselje v Jamestownu, ki pa ni bilo napadnuto. Kot je kasneje opisal John Smith: 2

Pohitite ob tem [opozorilu], ki je zavaroval njegovo hišo, preden je dan priveslal do Jamesa Towna in o tem povedal guvernerju, s čimer so bili preprečeni in na drugih plantažah, kjer je bilo mogoče dati obveščevalne podatke: in kje so nas videli na straži , ob pogledu na peece so zbežali, ostali pa so bili večinoma pobiti, hiše so jim požgane, na primer orožje in strelivo, za katerega so ugotovili, da so ga odnesli, nekaj katel pa so tudi uničili.


zvestoba domnevnega "Chanca" kolonistom, ne njegovim kolegom Indijancem, pa se časti v notranjosti obnovljene cerkve v Jamestownu

Opechancanough ni mogel iztrebiti kolonije, ampak je namesto tega poskušal ponastaviti ravnovesje moči. Če bi Opechancanough nameraval Angleže popolnoma izgnati iz Virginije in ubiti vse koloniste, dokler niso zbežali z ladjami, bi mu sledil še nadaljnji napad. Namesto tega skoraj šest mesecev ni bilo napadov, nato pa so bili ubiti le štirje moški.

Očitno ni pisnih zapisov, ki bi dokumentirali vojne cilje Opechancanougha. Sodobni zgodovinar Frederick Gleach trdi, da so bili poskusi Angležev, da bi spodkopali indijansko vero, eden od vzrokov za vojaške akcije. Čas napada ob veliki noči je bil morda zavestno prizadevanje dokazati, da angleška vera ni vir moči. George Thorpe, ki je bil najaktivnejši kolonist, ki je osebno prestopil v Opechancanough na Bermudski stotini, je bil ubit, njegovo telo pa pohabljeno.

Frederick Gleach na podlagi tega, kako je Opechancanough vodil napad, nato pa ni uspel nadaljevati z večjimi prizadevanji, da bi koloniste izpodrinjal, 3:

. Zdi se jasno, da cilj Powhatana ni bil odstraniti Angležev, temveč jih omejiti na majhno ozemlje, ustaviti njihova lokalna prizadevanja za kristjaniziranje in dokazati superiornost Powhatanov nad Angleži


šolski zvezki do poznih 1900 -ih so vstajo leta 1622 opisovali kot pokol in občasno upodabljali Indijance v oblekah plemen na Velikih ravnicah
Vir: Internetni arhiv, Šolska zgodovina Združenih držav, od odkritja Amerike do leta 1878 (str. 43)

Napad je bil smrtni udarec za podjetje Virginia Company. Svojim vlagateljem ni uspelo ustvariti dobička, zdaj pa ni uspelo zaščititi življenja svojih uslužbencev in drugih kolonistov v Virginiji. Kralj James I. je leta 1624 preklical listino Virginia Company. Virginia je postala kraljeva kolonija, če je kralj začel imenovati guvernerja, svet guvernerja in druge kolonialne uradnike.

Indijanci niso imeli sredstev za podporo trajnemu vojevanju po napadu 22. marca. Opechancanough ni imel sredstev za obleganje Jamestowna, kot je to storil Powhatan v prvi anglo-powhatanski vojni 1609-13, vendar je guverner Francis Wyatt še vedno za šest tednov zbežal na vzhodno obalo. 4


gravura upora 1622 kaže na nasilje, izraženo nad kolonisti
Vir: Univerza Brown, Knjižnica Johna Carterja Browna, Pokol v Jamestownu v Virginiji, 1622

Kolonisti so imeli zmogljivost za nizko in trajno vojskovanje, ki so ga opisali kot "krme". Angleži so se 10 let maščevali z obsežnim uničenjem domorodnih ameriških mest, krajo in posekanjem težko nadomestljivih pridelkov ter slamnate stavbe, ki jih je enostavno zamenjati. Marca je prihajalo do vmesnih napadov, medtem ko so bile rezerve hrane pred sajenjem pridelkov majhne, ​​julija, ko bi lahko posekali koruzna polja, in novembra, ko bi uničenje mest imelo največji vpliv. 5

Leta 1624 je bila ena nenavadna bitka, ko se je okoli 800 Indijancev dva dni borilo s 60 angleškimi vojaki. Neusklajenost med puščicami in puškami je določila zmagovalca. Indijanci so utrpeli velike žrtve, le 16 Angležev je bilo ranjenih.

Po tej bitki so se Angleži odločili za nadaljevanje vojne in ne za pogajanja o miru. Napadli so po svoji volji in po zorenju zasegli koruzo. Člani guvernerjevega sveta so s to koruzo hranili svoje služabnike, ki so bili v zakupu, kar je povzročilo več tobaka in več osebnega bogastva za tiste, ki so vodili racije. Razvil se je plemič iz Virginije z bolj razslojeno družbo kot pred drugo anglo-powhatansko vojno. 6

Kolonialni voditelji so se leta 1629 odločili, da domorodnim Američanom preprečijo življenje na vzhodnem koncu polotoka. Leta 1630 se je kolonialni nadzor nad severovzhodnim robom blizu izliva reke York povečal s ponudbo 50 hektarjev proste zemlje tistim, ki so se želeli naseliti v Kiskiacku. Dežele tega plemena so zdaj del ameriške pomorske postaje orožja v bližini sodobnega Yorktowna, ime "Cheescake" Road pa je spremenjena različica "Kiskiacka". 7


po napadu leta 1622 so Angleži naselili Kiskiack (Chiskiack) in načrtovali barikade, da bi izključili domorodne Američane iz vzhodnega dela polotoka, kar je na koncu privedlo do naselitve na Srednjem nasadu leta 1634
Vir: Virginia Pod Charlesom I in Cromwellom, 1625-1660

Borbe za krmo so se zmanjšale, ko je plemiče začelo trgovati s krznom z Indijanci. Medtem ko so nekateri sodelovali s preostalimi sestavinami najpomembnejšega poglavarja Opechancaougha, je William Claiborne na otoku Kent ustanovil naselje za trgovino s Susquehannocks na severnem koncu zaliva Chesapeake.

Leta 1632 so kolonisti dosegli mirovni sporazum z Opechancanough, ki je izključil staroselce iz spodnje polovice polotoka. Za nadzor dostopa je generalna skupščina odobrila gradnjo lesenega zidu med rekama James in York ter razširila ponudbo 50 brezplačnih hektarjev na tiste, ki so se pripravljeni naseliti v bližini stene.

Izgon Indijancev s polotoka je bil namenski cilj takoj po vstaji leta 1622. Guverner Wyatt je podjetju Virginia Company iz Jamestowna pisal: 8

Naša prva naloga je izgon reševalcev, da bi pridobili prosti obseg števila za povečanje goveda, prašičev in drugih, kar nas bo več kot obnovilo, saj je neskončno bolje, da med nami, ki so bili v najboljšem primeru le trni naše strani, potem biti v miru in ligi z njimi

Za obzidjem se je na prelomnici razvila nova skupnost. Middle Plantation (kasneje imenovan Williamsburg) je bil sredi polotoka med Archers Hope Creek (zdaj znan kot College Creek) na reki James in Queens Creek na reki York.

Uporaba zidu za obrambo in določanje meje ni bila nova. V domorodnih ameriških mestih so za zaščito uporabljali palisade, Jamestown je imel utrdbo z lesenimi zidovi, pred letom 1620 pa so na Henrikusu in Bermudski stotini postavili lesene pregrade za obrobje majhnih polotokov.

Zid med Martinovo stotino in Kiskiackom je bil predlagan kmalu po napadu leta 1622. Guverner Francis Wyatt je opozoril na načrte kolonije, da se preseli v notranjost od reke James pri Jamestownu in zasadi naselja severno od polotoka do Kiskiacka (Chesekiacque) na reki York (Pawmunka): 9

Naš namen je bil po pokoru posesti celotno kolonijo (ali njen večji del) na gozd in preteči močan Palisado od Martinove stotine do Chesekiacqueja do reke Pawmunka in tako osvojiti ves ta obseg zemlje do najin se

Lokacija pregrade je bila premaknjena bolj zahodno, preden je bila odobrena leta 1633. Dodatno desetletje vojskovanja je kolonistom omogočilo, da so do leta 1632 razširili nadzor nad polotokom, v generalni skupščini sta bila dva predstavnika, izvoljena iz okolice Kiskiacka. 10


pregrada med Martinovo stoto in Kiskiackom je bila predlagana leta 1624 (rdeča črta), vendar je obzidje, zgrajeno leta 1634 (modra črta), zapiralo več hektarjev na polotoku
Vir: lokacija palisade 1634 iz Phillipa Levyja, Nov pogled na stari zid. Indijanci, Angleži, krajina in palisada leta 1634 na Srednjem nasadu
(na zemljevidu prek ESRI, ArcGIS Online)

Arhitekturno je stena na polotoku odražala omejeno delovno silo in material, ki je na voljo v koloniji, stari le 25 let: 11

Gradbeniki so uporabili nekaj različnih metod, odvisno od terena, na katerega so naleteli. Ob najravnejših odsekih teka je steno sestavljala visoka, trdna lesena deska, oprta z vodoravnimi vrvicami in navpičnimi drogovi, postavljenimi neposredno v tla. Štiri metre široki jarki so obdajali osnovo nove stene, umazanija iz jarkov pa je tvorila nasip.

Kjer se je stena morala spuščati po grapah navzgor in navzdol, so gradbeniki v tla postavili več manjših stebrov, ki so držali kratke odseke bled. Palisada je bila po vsej svoji dolžini zemlja in les, ki je od samega trenutka izgradnje gnila in zamuljila.

Arheološki ostanki kažejo, da niso poskušali zamenjati ali popraviti bledic, ko so gnila, kar pomeni, da palisada verjetno ni trajala več kot desetletje.


približna pot 1634 palisade čez polotok, ki seka skozi sodobni Williamsburg
Vir: lokacija palisade iz Phillipa Levyja, Nov pogled na stari zid. Indijanci, Angleži, krajina in palisada leta 1634 na Srednjem nasadu
(prekrivano na 7,5 -minutnem topogramu USGS, 2010)


Tretja anglo-powhatanska vojna

Dvanajst let je bilo nekaj miru, vendar so bile napetosti še vedno očitne. Ko je Powhatan umrl, je Opechancanough postal najpomembnejši vodja. Pod njegovim vodstvom so se napadi in sovražnosti s kolonisti hitro stopnjevali. Nato se je leta 1644 začela tretja anglo-powhatanska vojna. Powhatanska prevlada, ki je bila še vedno pod Opechancanoughom, si je zadnjič prizadevala odstraniti Evropejce iz kolonije. Kolonija se je močno povečala in smrt 500 naseljencev je bila uničujoča, vendar je bil to le majhen odstotek celotnega prebivalstva. Evropejci so vztrajno pridobivali zemljo in več moči.

Anglo-Powhatanske vojne so uničile Powhatanska ljudstva in z njimi povezana plemena. Znanstveniki in zgodovinarji verjamejo, da je bilo pred prihodom naseljencev v prevladi Powhatana najmanj 15.000 ljudi, po možnosti kar 21.000. Konflikti med kolonisti in Indijanci so bili za obe strani stalna grožnja. Zaradi smrti v vojnah in nalezljivih bolezni, proti katerim Indijanci niso imeli imunitete, se je njihovo število začelo drastično zmanjševati.

Leta 1645 je kolonija zgradila tri nove utrdbe. Z Fort Charlesom, Fort Jamesom in Fort Royalom na velikih rekah in v bližini slapov so imeli Angleži boljše trdnjave. Avgusta istega leta je napad, ki ga je vodil guverner William Berkeley, povzročil zavzetje Opechancanougha. Vsi drugi ujetniki so bili deportirani na otok Tangier. Opechancanough je bil ubit. Velika moč Powhatanske konfederacije se je končala s smrtjo Opechancanougha. Bil je star 100 let.


Prihod Sir Thomasa Dalea

Prihod Sir Thomasa Dalea 19. maja 1611 je pomenil prelomnico v zgodovini Jamestowna. Že v Angliji se je bogastvo kolonije ponovno okrepilo zahvaljujoč javnosti, ki jo je prizadelo čudežno preživetje Morski podvig. Morda je bil velečasni Symonds ves čas pravilen: namesto božjega prekletstva je bila Virginia klic Boga. V Daleu, ki je v času odsotnosti De La Warra in Gatesa opravljal funkcijo vršilca ​​dolžnosti guvernerja, je kolonija našla vodjo s trmasto neusmiljenostjo, da bi to uspelo. (Smith je nedvomno delil to kakovost, saj je nekoč izjavil, da "ne bo delovalo, ne bo jedlo,"#8221 pa mu podjetje Virginia ne bo dovolilo, da se vrne.) Prvi dan koalista Dalea#8217 Ralph Hamor kasneje je zapisal, da je guverner "pohitel"#8221 v Jamestown, da bi našel svoje obtožbe pri svojih dnevnih in običajnih delih, pri kegljanju na ulicah. ” Arheologi, kot je William M. Kelso, in zgodovinarji, kot je Karen Ordahl Kupperman, so pogoste obtožbe, da so bili kolonisti leni pri opazovanju, po Kuppermanovih besedah, da sta podhranjenost in bolezen medsebojno vplivali na psihološke učinke izolacije in obupa, vsak pa je okrepil drugega in povzročil vedenje, ki bi ga lahko zamenjali za brezdelje.

Ne glede na to vedenje ni trajalo. Dale je ukazal sajenje pridelkov, pri čemer so bili garnizoni v Forts Charlesu in Henryju specializirani za koruzo, kolonisti v Jamestownu in Fort Algernonu, na Point Comfort, za rejo živine in proizvodnega blaga. Da bi vzbudil disciplino, je Dale uveljavil tisto, kar je postalo znano kot Lawes Divine, Morall in Martiall, ki je vključeval vojno stanje za vojake in strog kodeks ravnanja za civiliste. Prva zbirka zakonov v angleškem jeziku na zahodni polobli je bila odredba (v sodobnem smislu ni bila pravni kodeks) dovolj ostra, da je povzročila veliko kritik tako v Virginiji kot v Angliji. Obsojen zaradi kraje ovsenih kosmičev je en moški skozi jezik prebodel iglo, nato pa so ga privezali na drevo, dokler ni stradal.

Junija so se Daleovi možje soočili s špansko izvidniško ladjo pri Point Comfort pri ustju Jamesa. Uspelo jim je celo ujeti tri njegove možje, med drugim poveljnika, Don Diega de Molina, in Angleža, ki se je obrnil, Francis Lembry, ki je leta 1588 pilotiral ladjo v španski Armadi. Španci so zasegli enega od Dalejevih moških, Johna Clarka - pozneje je bil mojstrski kolega#8217 Mayflower- povečanje strahu, da bi se Španija lahko vrnila v veljavo in dokončala kolonijo, za katero se je zdelo, da je nenehno na robu prepada. Toda Španci niso nikoli prišli, avgusta pa je prišel sir Thomas Gates skupaj s 300 novimi kolonisti, ki so povečali število prebivalcev na približno 750. Septembra sta Dale in Edward Brewster vodila odpravo na slapove Jamesa, kjer sta končno uspela našel naselje zunaj zdaj že utesnjenega Jamestowna. Poimenovali so ga mesto Henrico ali Henricus v čast Dalejevega pokrovitelja in kraljevega dediča Henryja, princa Walesa. Decembra je Henrico postal izhodišče za napad na bližnje Appamattucks, katerih poraz je omogočil ustanovitev drugega naselja, Bermudske stotine.

Razširitev Virginije zunaj Jamestowna je bila ključnega pomena za njeno preživetje, vendar skoraj ni rešila vseh težav kolonije. Do leta 1612 so bili naseljenci spet uporniški in podjetje Virginia Company je skrbelo za odmev v odnosih z javnostmi zaradi Daleove stroge uporabe zakona. Namesto tega je aprila 1613 Samuel Argall uporabil svoje povezave s Patawomeckom veroučenje zavzeti Pocahontas, podvig, ki je Daleu sčasoma omogočil pogajanja o koncu dolge in krvave vojne. John Rolfe je medtem poročen s Pocahontasom leta 1614 v Virginijo predstavil zahodnoindijsko sorto tobaka (Nicotiana tabacum), ki je sčasoma in v nasprotju z željo kralja in družbe spremenilo njegovo gospodarstvo.


Vsebina

Naselje v Jamestownu v Virginiji (maj 1607) je bilo na ozemlju mogočnega poglavarja Wahunsunacawh, ki so ga kolonisti poznali kot poglavar Powhatan. [2] Območje je bilo precej močvirnato in neprimerno za kmetovanje, zato je Powhatan želel, da bi kapitan John Smith in kolonisti zapustili močvirje in živeli v enem od svojih satelitskih mest, imenovanih Capahosick kjer bi mu v zameno za polno oskrbo izdelovali kovinsko orodje. [3]

Smith je podcenjeval moč Indijancev iz Virginije in tega, česar so bili sposobni, saj so deželo poznali veliko bolje kot kolonisti. Decembra je izvidal podeželje v bližini glavnega mesta Powhatana, Orapaxa, le sedem mesecev po izgradnji utrdbe na otoku Jamestown, ko ga je ujela skupna lovska skupina, ki jo je vodil Opechancanough. [4] Smith je bil pravočasno izpuščen za novo leto 1608, ko je obljubil, da bo kolonijo preselil v Capahosick. Powhatana je prepričal, da je sin kapitana Newporta in da je Newport njihova glava veroučenje (plemenski poglavar).

Do pomladi 1609 je lokalno pleme Paspahegh začelo napad na trdnjavo v Jamestownu. Vendar pa njihova veroučenje Wowinchopunk je po tem, ko je bil ujet in pobegnil, razglasil nemirno premirje. Smith je prejšnjo jesen postal predsednik kolonije in to poletje je poskušal na ozemlju ustanoviti nove utrdbe. Poslal je zabavo s kapitanom Johnom Martinom, da bi se naselili na ozemlju Nansemonda. Položaj so zapustili, potem ko 17 moških ni upoštevalo ukazov in so bili izbrisani, ko so poskušali kupiti koruzo v vasi Kecoughtan v Hamptonu v Virginiji. Smith je skupaj s Francisom Westom poslal tudi 120 mož, da bi zgradili utrdbo navzgor ob slapu Jamesa, tik nad glavnim mestom Powhatan in mestom Richmond v Virginiji. Spletno mesto je kupil od Powhatanovega sina Parahunta, vendar se to ni končalo nič bolje.

Smith se je nato poškodoval v naključni eksploziji smodnika in 4. oktobra odplul v Anglijo, kolonija pa je začela stradati. Kmalu zatem so naseljenci ustanovili Fort Algernon v Old Point Comfort, tik ob vasi Kecoughtan. Novembra je Powhatan zasedel in ubil kapetana Johna Ratcliffeja, ki je odšel v Orapax kupiti koruzo, kolonisti pa so začeli umirati od lakote. Thomas Gates je prišel konec maja 1610 in se odločil evakuirati Jamestown. Na drugi dan jadranja pa sta srečala starejšega brata Francisa Westa Thomasa, ki je prišel v zaliv z ostanki svoje flote, ki je eno leto prej zapustila Anglijo, a je bila raztresena v orkanu. Zato so se vrnili v utrdbo pod poveljstvom Westa.

West se je izkazal za precej ostrejšega in bolj bojevitejšega do Indijancev kot katera koli od njegovih predhodnic, njegova rešitev pa je bila preprosto v spopad proti osvajalskim vojnam proti njim, najprej je poslal Gatesa, da je 9. julija odpeljal Kecoughtane iz njihove vasi, nato pa načelniku Powhatanu dal ultimatum bodisi vrnitev vseh kolonistov in njihovega premoženja bodisi soočenje z vojno. Powhatan se je odzval z vztrajanjem, naj kolonisti ostanejo v svoji utrdbi ali zapustijo Virginijo. West je ujetniku Paspahegha odrezal roko in ga poslal v Powhatan z drugim ultimatumom: vrniti vse koloniste in njihovo premoženje ali pa bodo sosednje vasi požgane. Powhatan se ni odzval.

Prva anglo -powhatanska vojna je trajala od 1610 do 1614 med Powhatani in kolonisti. [5] Thomas West je 9. avgusta 1610 poslal Georgea Percyja in Jamesa Davisa s 70 možmi v napad na prestolnico Paspahegh, kjer so požgali hiše in posekali njihova koruzna polja. They killed between 65 and 75 villagers, and captured one of Wowinchopunk's wives and her two children. Returning downstream, the colonists decided to throw the children overboard and shot them in the water. The "queen" herself, whom Davis wanted to burn alive, was executed back in Jamestown. [6] The Paspahegh never recovered from this attack and abandoned their town.

A party of colonists was ambushed at Appomattoc in the fall of 1610, and West managed to establish a company of men at the falls of the James, who stayed there all winter. In February 1611, Wowinchopunk was killed in a skirmish near Jamestown, which his followers avenged a few days later by enticing some colonists out of the fort and killing them. In May, Governor Thomas Dale arrived and began looking for places to establish new settlements he was repulsed by the Nansemonds, but successfully took an island in the James from the Arrohattocs, which became the palisaded fort of Henricus.

Around the time of Christmas 1611, Dale and his men seized the Appomattoc town at the mouth of their river and palisaded off the neck of land, renaming it New Bermudas. The aged chief Powhatan made no major response to this colonial expansion, and he seems to have been losing effective control to his younger brother Opechancanough during this time, while the colonists strengthened their positions. In December 1612, Argall concluded peace with the Patawomeck, and he captured Powhatan's daughter Pocahontas. This caused an immediate ceasefire from the Powhatan raids on the colonists, as they held her ransom for peace. In the meantime, settlers had begun to expand south of the rivers, building houses at City Point in Hopewell, Virginia.

In early 1609, Jamestown Island had been the only territory under colonial control. By the end of this period, the Powhatans had lost much of their riverfront property along the James the Kicoughtan and Paspehegh sub-tribes had been effectively destroyed, and the settlers had made major inroads among the lands of the Weyanoke, Appomattoc, Arrohattoc, and Powhatan. The Arrohattoc and Quiockohannock tribes disappear from the historical records after this, possibly indicating that they had been dispersed or merged with other tribes. [7]

Peace negotiations stalled over the return of captured hostages and arms for nearly a year Dale went with Pocahontas and a large force to find Powhatan in March 1614. They were showered with arrows at West Point, so they went ashore and sacked the town. They finally found Powhatan at his new capital in Matchcot, and they concluded a peace that was sealed by the marriage of Pocahontas to colonist John Rolfe. This was the first known inter-racial union in Virginia and helped to bring a brief period of better relations between the Indians and the colonists. A separate peace was concluded the same year with the Chickahominy tribe which made them honorary "Englishmen" and thus subjects of King James I. [8] This period of peace has been called the peace of Pocahontas. [9] [10]

Opechancanough maintained a friendly face to the colony, and even met with a Christian minister to give the appearance of his imminent conversion to Christianity. Then his warriors struck without warning from where they had been planted among the settlements on March 22, 1622, killing hundreds in the Indian Massacre of 1622. [11] A third of the colony was wiped out that day, and a higher toll would have been taken were it not for last minute warnings by Christian Indians. [12]

Powhatan war practice was to wait and see what would happen after inflicting such a blow, in hopes that the settlement would simply abandon their homeland and move on elsewhere. However, English military doctrine called for a strong response, and the colonial militia marched out nearly every summer for the next 10 years and made assaults on Powhatan settlements. The Accomac and Patawomeck allied with the colony, providing them corn while the colonists went to plunder villages and cornfields of the Chickahominy, Nansemond, Warraskoyack, Weyanoke, and Pamunkey in 1622. Opechancanough sued for peace in 1623. The colonists arranged to meet the Indians for a peace agreement, but poisoned their wine, then fell upon them shooting them and killing many in revenge for the massacre. They then attacked the Chickahominy, the Powhatans, the Appomattocs, Nansemond, and Weyanokes.

In 1624, both sides were ready for a major battle the Powhatans assembled 800 bowmen with Opitchapam leading their force, arrayed against only 60 colonists. The colonists, however, destroyed the Powhatans' cornfields, and the bowmen gave up the fight and retreated.

A shortage of gunpowder in the colony delayed the colonists from going on marches in 1625 and 1626. The Indians seem not to have been aware of this shortage, and were themselves desperately trying to regroup. However, summer 1627 brought renewed assaults against the Chickahominy, Appamattoc, Powhatan proper, Warraskoyak, Weyanoke, and Nansemond. A peace was declared in 1628, but it was more like a temporary ceasefire hostilities resumed in March 1629 and continued until a final peace was made on September 30, 1632. [ potreben citat ] The colonists began to expand their settlements on the Eastern Shore and both sides of the James, as well as on the south of the York, and they palisaded off the peninsula between the York and James at about Williamsburg in 1633. By 1640, they began claiming land north of the York, as well, and Opechancanough leased some land on the Piankatank to settlers in 1642 for the price of 50 bushels of corn a year. [ potreben citat ]

By 1634, a palisade (stockade) was completed across the Virginia Peninsula, which was about 6 miles (9.7 km) wide at that point. It provided some security from attacks by the Virginia Indians for colonists farming and fishing. It is partially described in a letter written by Captain Thomas Yonge in 1634 from Jamestown:

Twelve years of peace followed the Indian Wars of 1622-1632 before another Anglo–Powhatan War began on April 18, 1644, [13] as the remnants of the Powhatan Confederacy under Opechancanough tried once again to drive out the settlers from the Virginia Colony. [11] Around 400 colonists were killed. [14]

In February 1645, the colony ordered the construction of three frontier forts: Fort Charles at the falls of the James, Fort James on the Chickahominy, and Fort Royal at the falls of the York. In March 1646, the colony built Fort Henry at the falls of the Appomattox, where Petersburg is now located.

In August, Governor William Berkeley stormed the village where Opechancanough resided and captured him. All captured males in the village older than 11 were deported to Tangier Island. [15] Opechancanough was taken to Jamestown and imprisoned. Very old and infirm, unable to even move without assistance, Opechancanough died in captivity in October of 1646, murdered by his English guard. [11] By this time Necotowance had succeeded him as the last Mamanatowick of the Powhatan Confederacy.

In October 1646 the General Assembly of Virginia signed a peace treaty with Necotowance, King of the Indians, which brought the Third Anglo-Powhatan War to an end. In the treaty, the tribes of the Confederacy became tributaries to the King of England, paying a yearly tribute to the Virginia governor. At the same time, a racial frontier was delineated between Indian and colonial settlements, with members of each group forbidden to cross to the other side except by a special pass obtained at one of the border forts. The extent of the Virginia Colony open to patent was defined as the land between the Blackwater and York rivers, and up to the navigable point of each of the major rivers. The treaty also permitted settlements on the peninsula north of the York and below the Poropotank, as they had already been there since 1640.

Necotowance remained Paramount Chief of what was left of the Powhatan Confederacy until his death about 1649. The tribes of the former confederacy however were scattered. When Totopotomoi succeeded Necotowance, it was no longer as Paramount Chief of the Powhatan, but as Weroance of the Pamunkey. Totopotomoi worked as an ally with the colonial government to maintain peace. In 1656 he died in the Battle of Bloody Run fighting on the side of the colonists against encroaching hostile tribes. His wife Cockacoeske succeeded him as Weroansqua of the Pamunkey. This period of time is often referred to as a time of relative peace between the colonists [ kdo? ] but it also saw the constant encroachment upon the lands designated to the Indians in the treaty of 1646. Chief Wahanganoche, King of the Patawomeck tried to work with the colonists, deeding them tribal lands, but this backfired. In 1662, colonists, wanting more, falsely accused Wahanganoche of murder. Found innocent of all charges by a specially convened session of the House of Burgesses, Wahanganoche was nevertheless murdered by colonists while attempting to return home from his trial. [16] Shortly thereafter the colonial government demanded all Patawomeck 'sell' their land and in 1666 declared war on the Patawomeck calling for their utter destruction. The tribes of the Northern Neck of Virginia were effectively wiped out, the few that escaped the genocide were absorbed into other remaining tribes. The peace was shattered further by the attacks of Bacon's Rebellion in 1676. This resulted in the Treaty of Middle Plantation signed by Cockacoeske, Weroansqua of the Pamunkey, who rallied together other local tribes to sign as well. The treaty set up reservations for each tribe, and allowed them hunting rights outside their reservations. It established that all the Indian rulers were equal, with the provision that the Queen of Pamunkey was now owed the subjection of several scattered groups of Indians. [17]


THUS IS THE BIRTH OF WHITE SUPREMACY AND WHITE PRIVILEGE IN AMERICA.

1682 – From 1607 to 1682, roughly 92,000 immigrants from Europe, mostly men from England, arrived in what is now called Virginia, but also Maryland. 69,000 were the victims of human traffickers who created a system known as chattel bond laborers. These English immigrants agreed to be enslaved as security against a loan or an inherited debt. The bond laborer was supplied with food, clothing and shelter during the years of service, and the master owned everything earned by the servant. The agreement looked like employment where the worker starts with a debt to repay only to find that repayment of the loan is impossible. Then, their enslavement becomes permanent. Under this system, some officers in the colony were getting rich under a system of private enterprise, advancing the fortunes of a few and the death of many. Most of this fortune was made in farming tobacco fields.

1690 - The 1690 “Act for the Better Ordering of Slaves” codified the institution of chattel slavery in South Carolina. Among other things, slaves were required to get written passes to travel. Those who lacked permission to travel were considered runaways. Barbaric punishments under the 1690 Act included whipping, branding, nose-slitting. Runaways were subject to being branded with an R on the cheek and/or loss of an ear. Other penalties for a range of offenses included castration and the severing of a tendon.

Section III of the 1690 Act contained the travel requirements is copied below:


Priporočeno branje

Donald Trump and a Century-Old Argument About Who's Allowed in America

The Congressional Stalemate Over Guns and Immigration Isn't Going Away

The Real Problem With Globalization

It’s a lesson as old as European settlement of the present-day United States: Treating migrant workers as property for the benefit of others leads to terrible consequences. But judging from a recent immigration-reform proposal, the country hasn’t entirely learned that lesson. V Politico piece originally titled, “What If You Could Get Your Own Immigrant?”—a headline that provoked such anger it was quickly changed—Eric Posner, a professor at the University of Chicago’s Law School, and Glen Weyl, an economist at Microsoft Research New England, described a plan that amounts to reintroducing a form of bonded immigrant labor to the United States. Their idea, in essence, is to give every American citizen the right to “sponsor” an immigrant, put that person to work, and then take a portion of his or her wages.

If these two scholars at elite institutions were aware of their plan’s historical precedent, they gave no indication of it. But it’s clear from American history that such a proposal would be a disaster not only for immigrants, but for American democracy. Once set in motion, any policy that creates conditions for exploitative labor practices is likely only to encourage more exploitation.

The history of how indentured servitude transformed into racialized chattel slavery in America provides a particularly vivid example of this vicious cycle. In theory, colonial Virginia’s intense labor scarcity ought to have meant favorable terms for migrating workers. But as Jane Dickenson learned, the men who governed the colonies changed market dynamics by imposing harsh laws that allowed them to control and capture laborers in new ways. Whereas contracts of indenture for agricultural workers in England typically ran to only one year, in America they stretched out to seven. And colonial authorities routinely punished servants who tried to escape—or simply displeased their masters—with whippings, split tongues, sliced ears, and extra years of service. As the late American historian Edmund Morgan put it, even before slavery took root, Virginia’s masters were moving “toward a system of labor that treated men as things.”

This still wasn’t enough. As free subjects of the English crown, servants who managed to outlive their indentures could eventually obtain property and some measure of political clout. As former servants increased in number, they indeed began to challenge their former masters’ authority, most famously in Bacon’s Rebellion of 1676. Enslaved Africans provided a dual solution to this problem. First, the importation of already enslaved laborers allowed masters to more easily treat servitude as a lifetime, hereditary status, preventing the growth of a troublesome population of the formerly unfree. Second, it made whiteness the mark of freedom, ensuring that “ordinary” English settlers identified with their social betters instead of making common cause with the new arrivals.

Still, the transition to a slave society was gradual. For several decades, Africans forcibly transported to the American colonies were not necessarily treated very differently from English indentured servants, and some achieved not only freedom but significant local prominence. The “black patriarch of Pungoteague Creek,” Anthony Johnson, for example, was brought to Virginia in chains, but he was able to purchase liberty for himself and his wife, accumulate extensive land holdings, and have his testimony accepted in court. According to the historians T.H. Breen and Stephen Innes, through much of the 17th century, Johnson and other free blacks in his Eastern Shore community “experienced a kind of rough equality with their poor white neighbors.”

Over time, however, and increasingly after 1700, legal codes hardened racial boundaries and entrenched chattel slavery, so that society came to be based on the principle of white supremacy. It was in this context that whiteness served to unite one portion of the population in the unmitigated exploitation of another. “Slavery was not born of racism: rather, racism was the consequence of slavery,” wrote Eric Williams, a pioneering historian and the first prime minister of independent Trinidad and Tobago, in his seminal analysis Capitalism & Slavery. Although the economic benefits of enslaved labor flowed almost entirely to slave owners, the racialization of bondage gave every white person a social and political interest in the subordination of Africans and their descendants. In this way, the “wages of whiteness” were generalized to the majority in the white republic that emerged from the American Revolution.

The story doesn’t end here. By the turn of the 19th century, gradual abolition in the North alongside slavery’s massive expansion in the South opened up a fissure among whites. In 1852, the increasingly acrimonious debate over the institution’s future led The New York Times to advocate the importation of indentured Chinese laborers—so-called “coolies”—as a “happy medium” between “forced and voluntary labor.” These foreigners from supposedly backward places would occupy a new position on the lower rungs of the American racial hierarchy—between slavery and freedom, black and white. To moderate Northerners, the indentured workers seemed like a solution to the nation’s problems.

The practice of trafficking Asian workers began in the 1830s in the British Empire. British leaders sought to alleviate labor “shortages” in the Caribbean colonies—the result of newly emancipated slaves’ withdrawal from the plantation complex—by importing “excess” South Asian labor. During the 1840s, American shippers expanded the trade, transporting indentured Chinese workers throughout the Americas—but not the United States—to provide cheap labor in mines and plantations. Indenture contracts, and the bodies to go with them, were auctioned off upon arrival at port.

In 1856, the U.S. commissioner to China, Peter Parker, declared that the traffic was so “replete with illegalities, immoralities, and revolting and inhuman atrocities,” that its cruelty at times exceeded the “horrors of the ‘middle passage.’” Working conditions at labor sites in the Americas were no better. On the Chincha Islands off the coast of Peru, trafficked Chinese workers mined guano, a fertilizer used on American farms and plantations. They labored up to 20 hours per day in a toxic environment, while bosses applied whippings and attacks by dogs as punishment for insubordination. Suicide at the camps was common. On plantations in South America and the Caribbean, experienced observers reported migrants were “treated as slaves,” sometimes “worse than brutes.”

By the eve of the Civil War, media exposés and government reports had publicized these abuses sufficiently to convince most Americans that the traffic was “only another form of the slave-trade,” which had been banned decades before. In 1862, Congress banned the carriage of “coolies” on American vessels. The act was one of many reforms intended to fundamentally restructure American society around a liberal notion of free labor.

But while intended as a humanitarian act, the law helped solidify white Americans’ prejudice against Chinese migrants of all kinds, who came to be understood as “naturally” servile because they had supposedly “allowed” themselves to be trafficked—a prejudice later deployed to justify the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, and subsequently transferred to other Asian migrants. Meanwhile, the trafficking of contract laborers worldwide continued well into the 20th century. The unfree conditions it produced has no shortage of modern analogues—as historians have often noted. In 2016, for instance, the UN warned Qatar to end “migrant worker slavery,” a system in which sponsoring employers wield nearly absolute power.

Common to all of these stories is the subordination of a minority group—usually made up of foreigners and other marginalized people—for the economic and social benefit of the majority, using the tools of political disenfranchisement and the impairment of legal rights. This is what makes the immigration proposal put forward by Posner and Weyl last month so alarming. Their plan aims to cut through the current immigration-policy impasse by giving working-class Americans—presumably, the white ones concerned about “illegal aliens”—a contracted property right in the labor of immigrants. It would “achieve the goals of both sides of the immigration debate,” they write, by allowing immigrants into the country to the economic benefit of those already here.

But their plan seems more likely to produce an effect similar to that achieved when Virginia’s colonial governors interposed whiteness between indentured English servants and enslaved Africans: That is, it would gradually establish an impenetrable social barrier between ordinary American citizens and outcast immigrant workers. Bit by bit, the United States would transform as legislators, judges, and administrators adjudicated countless matters pitting the interests of sponsoring citizens (who could vote) against the interests of immigrants (who could not). The deepening divide would corrode democracy twice over: first, by excluding immigrants from having a political voice and rights, and second, by encouraging a social hierarchy that would inevitably intensify class distinctions among citizens, too.

Personal familiarity poses no barrier to this process. Posner and Weyl naively misread history when they wrote that “it is hard to demonize the person who lives in your basement, or the basement of your neighbor, and has increased your income greatly.” It may seem like common sense that proximity breeds understanding, but when a property right in others’ labor is at stake, just the opposite is often the case. For most of American history, family members’ labor was under the legal control of male heads of household. Abuse without redress was pervasive, despite bonds of affection.

And in regimes premised on indentured servitude and slavery, affection was no protection at all. Indeed, intimacy can make exploitation all the more oppressive. Far from treating the people living in their “basements” with care, slaveholders—who liked to call their human property “family”—regularly raped enslaved women and “unblushingly reared” their own children “for the market,” as Harriet Jacobs, who escaped slavery, recounted in her 1861 autobiography.

Immigrants subordinated both economically and politically—and this, at bottom, is what Posner and Weyl unwittingly propose—would be defenseless against abuse. Like the millions indentured, enslaved, and trafficked before them, they would be despised for their very inability to resist, then abused all the more for being despicable. Thomas Jefferson, a slaveholder himself, described this dynamic clearly: “The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other,” he wrote in the 1780s. “Our children,” he added, “see this, and learn to imitate it.”


HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In 1618, a faction within the Virginia Company pushed through a series of reforms resulting in the “Great Charter,” a set of instructions sent to George Yeardley, who was set to begin a term as governor in 1619. Officials authorized Yeardley to oversee the selection of two male settlers from each of the eleven major settlement areas to attend a “General Assembly” with the purpose of passing laws and hopefully improving management in the colony.

This new form of government divided political and judicial power between the governor, a council appointed by the Virginia Company, and the new General Assembly. The representatives, called burgesses, sat with the governor and his appointed council as the Assembly. The governor could veto legislation or dissolve the Assembly.

The meeting of the first General Assembly took place from July 30 through August 4 in the church in Jamestown, probably because the church was the largest building at the time. John Pory, Secretary of the Colony, served as Speaker of the Assembly. Six appointed council members attended along with 20 selected burgesses. The two burgesses selected from John Martin’s plantation (located in present day Prince George County) were not allowed to sit because of a problem with Martin’s land patent. Members of the General Assembly were formed into several committees, tasked with reviewing aspects of the Great Charter sent from the Virginia Company, as well as working on new laws based on concerns brought by the burgesses to the Assembly. All laws passed by the Assembly were subject to the approval of the Virginia Company in England.

The General Assembly also acted as a high court of justice and heard complaints of a judicial nature. Later, in 1634, courts would be established for minor offenses, but major cases were brought before the Assembly.

After 1619 the General Assembly met only sporadically, and formal recognition of the Assembly by the English crown did not come until 1627. The Virginia Company continued to appoint governors and issue instructions, but representation of the will of the people had begun. The concept of parliamentary government was brought to Virginia, and the General Assembly gradually evolved into a two-house form of government (1640s). This bicameral legislature continues today as Virginia’s General Assembly. It became the model for other English colonies and eventually the basis for the democratic government of the United States of America.

THE ARRIVAL OF THE FIRST AFRICANS TO ENGLISH NORTH AMERICA

In August 1619, a privateering vessel flying the flag of the Dutch Republic arrived at Point Comfort, Virginia (in present-day Hampton). According to John Rolfe, the ship held no cargo but “20 and odd” Africans, who were traded to Governor George Yeardley and Cape Merchant Abraham Peirsey in exchange for provisions. These individuals, originally captured by Portuguese slavers in West Central Africa (likely modern-day Angola), were the first recorded Africans to arrive in English North America.

While the White Lion, which carried the first Africans to Virginia, did fly a Dutch flag, modern research has revealed that both the ship and its captain, John Jope, were English. Jope held a letter of marque from Vlissingen, a notorious privateer haven in the Netherlands, which allowed him to legally plunder Spanish and Portuguese vessels. He could not have done so under English authority, as England and Spain were at peace in 1619. While patrolling the Gulf of Mexico in late July or early August 1619, Jope encountered the Treasurer, another privateering vessel captained by Daniel Elfrith. Sailing in consort with one another, the White Lion and the Treasurer managed to capture a Portuguese slave trading vessel, the São João Bautista (Saint John the Baptist), which was bound for Vera Cruz, Mexico.

Jope and Elfrith soon discovered that the São João Bautista, which departed from the Angolan port city of Luanda, was carrying approximately 350 enslaved Africans. Luis Mendes de Vasconcellos, the Portuguese governor of Angola, enslaved approximately fifty thousand Africans between 1617 and 1621, sending them from Luanda to colonies in Spanish America. It is likely that many of the enslaved Africans onboard the São João Bautista were skilled laborers from West Central Africa’s urban centers, and many were likely Christians as well, converted by the Portuguese before or after their capture. After taking on as many captive Africans as their ships could carry, Jope and Elfrith chose to sail north to the Virginia colony.

While John Rolfe’s account confirms that the enslaved Africans aboard the White Lion were left in Virginia in 1619, the same cannot be said of those aboard the Treasurer. After receiving word that representatives of the Governor were heading to Point Comfort, the Treasurer abruptly departed Virginia, heading for Bermuda. As John Rolfe knew, the reason for this swift departure was because Governor Yeardley questioned the validity of the Treasurer’s letter of marque, and had planned to question Captain Elfrith about his acts of alleged piracy against the Spanish. The Treasurer did not return to Virginia until February 1620.

Despite the fact that slavery was not officially acknowledged in the laws of Virginia until 1661, there can be no mistaking that the first Africans brought to the colony aboard the White Lion were treated much as slaves were in other European colonies, regardless of age or gender. Scattered amongst a variety of plantations, including those owned by Governor Yeardley, they were immediately treated as commodities by the colonial elite. In rare instances, some Africans were allowed to work their own land, earn an income, and eventually purchase their freedom, but most were assigned to heavy labor in fields, kitchens, and outhouses. The African population in Virginia remained quite small for the next several decades, with only 300 Africans residing in the colony by 1650. By 1680, however, that number had increased to 3,000 and by 1704, to 10,000.

WOMEN IN EARLY VIRGINIA

When the Susan Constant, Godspeed, and Discovery arrived in Virginia with a group of 104 settlers in 1607, women were not among them. Despite the references to habitation and plantation in the Jamestown colony’s charter, the Virginia Company sent men to Virginia primarily to explore the region and discover how to best exploit its natural resources for commercial profit. These men did not initially expect to settle permanently in Virginia, and thus they rarely traveled with their families.

The first English women to come to Virginia, Mistress Forest and her maid Anne Burras, arrived as the only two women amongst Jamestown’s second supply of colonists in 1608. Other women followed in subsequent years but were not sent in any systematic fashion.

After many years of hardship, Virginia Company officials recognized that they would need to establish a family structure in the colony if they wished to bring stability to Virginia and ensure that Jamestown became a permanent settlement. They viewed the family as the basic building block of society and government, and argued that “The plantation can never flourish till families be planted and the respect of wives and children fix the people on the soil.” In November 1619, under the leadership of Sir Edwyn Sandys, the Virginia Company declared its intention to recruit “a fit hundredth . . . of women, maids young and uncorrupt to make wives to the Inhabitants and by that means to make the men there more settled and less movable.” 90 women arrived in Jamestown in May 1620, followed by another 57 women in 1621.

In Virginia, as in England, women were subject to the doctrine of coverture, meaning that their legal rights were surrendered to their husbands. They could not vote, hold public office, or control their own property. Upon the death of their husbands, some widows obtained freedom from the legal and economic control of men, and were able to consolidate wealth and property of their own, engage in trade, and protect their interests in court.

Long before English women arrived in the colony, some Native American women lived amongst the English settlers at Jamestown. Women held an important role in Native American society. Amongst the Powhatan people of Virginia, the position of chief was inherited through the female line, and women could hold positions of significant authority, although few ever did. The daily responsibilities of Powhatan men and women were also divided along gendered lines. Women were responsible for farming, foraging, home construction, and child care, giving them a great deal of influence through their control of the tribes’ primary food supply. Men were responsible for hunting, fishing, and managing political or military councils.

The first documented African women in Virginia arrived in 1619 after having been held as slaves aboard a Portuguese trade vessel. In the colony’s early years, some African women were treated as servants, able to earn their freedom after five to seven years of bondage. Mary, an African woman who arrived in Virginia in 1623, was able to obtain her freedom and marry Anthony Johnson, a former servant. The couple started their own tobacco plantation on the Eastern Shore, eventually owning 250 acres of land. Some African women were also held by planters as lifelong slaves, despite the lack of any law guaranteeing their right to do so until the 1660s.

THANKSGIVING IN VIRGINIA, 1619

In the 16th and 17th centuries, European settlers and explorers in America frequently gave thanks to God after experiencing good fortune or completing an arduous journey. Before Europeans arrived in the New World, Native American peoples marked successful harvests with feasts and communal celebration. While these events are reminiscent of America’s modern Thanksgiving, they were traditionally spontaneous affairs, as opposed to regularly scheduled celebrations.

In February 1619, the Virginia Company granted four investors 8,000 acres of property for the settlement of a plantation along the James River, to be called Berkeley Hundred. These investors soon invited Sir George Yeardley, Governor of the Virginia colony, to join in their endeavor, and recruited 38 men to send to Virginia as tenants and servants aboard the ship Margaret. Captain John Woodlief was also chosen to act as the plantation’s commander. Before leaving England in September 1619, Woodlief was given written instructions from the plantation’s investors, including instructions which stated:

That the day of our ships arrival at the place assigned for plantacon (plantation) in the land of Virginia shall be yearly and perpetually kept holy as a day of thanksgiving to Almighty god.

While no documentation survives to confirm whether or not the settlers of Berkeley Plantation followed the Virginia Company’s instructions after arriving in Virginia on December 4th, 1619, it is reasonable to assume that they would have followed such an official order. Given the lack of any permanent structures at the landing site and the crew’s presumed lack of supplies after traveling across the Atlantic, the first Thanksgiving at Berkeley would not have included a grand feast. Instead, the plantation’s settlers would have held a formal religious observance, thanking God for their safe arrival in Virginia.

Unlike earlier expressions of thanksgiving which took place in the New World, the observance at Berkeley Plantation was unique because it was both the first officially sanctioned Thanksgiving in America as well as the first Thanksgiving designed to become part of an annual tradition.

In 1620, 50 more settlers arrived at Berkeley, including several women and children. The plantation enjoyed a period of peaceful development until March 1622 when the Second Anglo-Powhatan War began. Eleven of Berkeley Plantation’s citizens, including investor George Thorpe, were killed in the conflict, and the survivors were forced to evacuate to safer plantations. Berkeley Plantation remained empty for several years, as evidenced by the plantation’s absence in the 1625 Virginia census.

The history of America’s first Thanksgiving holiday was lost for centuries until Dr. Lyon G. Tyler, son of President John Tyler, discovered the records of Berkeley Plantation investor John Smyth in 1931. In 1962, Virginia Senator John J. Wicker contacted the White House to chastise President John F. Kennedy for neglecting to mention Virginia in his annual Thanksgiving Proclamation. He received a response from prominent historian and Special Assistant to the President Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., who admitted that Virginia was indeed the site of the first Thanksgiving and that Kennedy’s failure to include Virginia in his annual proclamation was a result of “unconquerable New England bias on the part of the White House staff.” In 1963, President Kennedy appeared to amend for his earlier mistake by crediting “our forefathers in Virginia and in Massachusetts” for their role in the creation of the Thanksgiving holiday.

ENTREPRENEURIALISM AND ECONOMIC INNOVATION IN VIRGINIA

From its inception in 1607, the entire Virginia enterprise was an expression of corporate entrepreneurialism, a private joint stock trading company. Originally, all land was owned by the Virginia Company and all work was done for the Company, with the idea of turning profits for the Company stockholders. There was no individual private enterprise or encouragement for private entrepreneurs. Technically, this system lasted until the demise of the Company in 1624.

However, around 1614 the first semi-private land grants were made to colonists, allotting three acres of land upon which settlers could plant tobacco as long as they also planted corn for common use. In 1616 the Company had realized no profits to pay those who had purchased stock in 1609 under a seven-year term. In order to compensate investors, Company officials began a land distribution system under the 1618 “Great Charter” and accompanying “Instructions,” with provisions for reforming the colony politically, economically and socially. The Company’s goal was to create an orderly government and society and to control who would get land and how. This system rewarded individuals with 100 acres of land in Virginia for every share of stock they had purchased or 50 acres if they paid the transportation costs of themselves or others to the colony. They could send over servants and supplies to establish “particular plantations” upon which most would grow tobacco.

In 1618, the Company’s new leader, Sir Edwin Sandys, sought new ways to economically diversify the colony and increase population. In 1619, Company officials sent instructions indicating the ways they hoped to create profits from pursuits other than tobacco. The list was adopted during the meeting of the first General Assembly in July 1619.

The Company, acting as the entrepreneur, enacted legislation that every man, seated upon his land division or grant, should plant and maintain a specified number of mulberry trees (on which silkworms feed, which then produce silk), grow hemp and flax, and plant and maintain vines. They ordered colonists to experiment with different plants in a new environment. The Assembly also regulated how settlers traded with the Indians and established prices for the tobacco cultivated by private landowners. Finally, they allowed tradesmen and artisans to come to Virginia, rent a house and some land, and be paid for their work, upon condition that they continue to perform their trade.

Because of regulation and controls set by the Company, the spirit of free enterprise was not realized for individuals during the Company period. The Company was the innovator, the corporate entrepreneur that decided how to diversify the attempts at profit-making. Unfortunately, most of their attempts failed to produce the profits they sought. Even later ventures into ironworks and sawmills did not help produce profits. In May/June 1623, Virginia Company officials noted in despair: “The many wilde & vast projects set on foot all at one time, viz 3 Iron works, saw mills, planting of silkgrass, vines, mulbury trees, potashes, pitch, tarr and salt &c … by a handful of men that were not able to build houses, plant corne to lodge & feed themselves & so came to nothing.” Most entrepreneurial attempts at diversification by the Virginia Company would ultimately fail with the failure of the Company in 1624. Tobacco would still produce the largest profits.

Since the first General Assembly of 1619, when entrepreneurship began taking root, Virginia has been at the vanguard of what has become the free enterprise system in the United States of America. Virginia continues to lead the advancement of entrepreneurship in sectors such as technology.


Poglej si posnetek: Anglo-Powhatan Wars. 3 Minute History (December 2021).

Video, Sitemap-Video, Sitemap-Videos